Learning loss and urban schools, part 2

Did test scores in progressive cities drop more post-COVID than test scores in conservative ones?

6 minute read

October 23, 2026, 5:00 AM PDT

By Zachary Whalen | Michael Lewyn @mlewyn


In 2023, I blogged about “Learning Loss and Urban Schools” and concluded that even though test scores in urban schools declined during the COVID era (2020-22), this decline seemed to be no worse in urban schools than suburban schools. 

After examining more recent data, I became curious about something else: have post-COVID learning losses been greater in more leftish urban school districts than in centrist urban school districts?

Quantifying learning loss 

There is a data source with information about the largest individual school districts: The Nation’s Report Card, a website containing data from the National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP), a set of national assessments carried out by the U.S. Education Department’s National Center for Education Statistics. Although most NAEP data is national or statewide, the website also has test score information for about twenty-five large school districts.

To start off with, I had to find a way of dividing these districts into more progressive districts and more centrist districts. I relied on Google AI, which (as I would have suspected) placed the most heavily Democratic districts in inelastic cities (high-density cities that have annexed little or no suburban land) in the “progressive” category. This group included Chicago, New York, Washington, Boston, Los Angeles, Philadelphia, Baltimore, Milwaukee, Cleveland and Detroit. In addition, Google AI placed several school district containing elastic cities (low-density cities with lots of suburban territory) in the “progressive” category, including San Diego, Denver, Austin and Albuquerque. AI’s choice of Austin made intuitive sense to me because of its progressive reputation, while San Diego, Denver and Albuquerque might be more leftish than other districts containing elastic cities because of Democratic domination of those states’ executive branches. 

According to Google AI, the more conservative school districts with NAEP data for both 2019 (the last pre-COVID year with test data) and 2024 (the last year with school district data) are Miami-Dade, Hillsborough County (Tampa and its suburbs), Charlotte, Guilford County (Greensboro, North Carolina and its suburbs), Atlanta, Louisville, Clark County (Las Vegas and its suburbs), Jacksonville (Florida), Houston, Dallas and Fort Worth. Most of these districts include suburbs and/or highly elastic cities, and thus made intuitive sense to me except Atlanta (which perhaps was placed in the “centrist/conservative” category because Republicans dominate Georgia state government). 

Then, I needed to find a way of measuring learning loss in these districts. I focused on the Nation’s Report Card test data on eighth-grade* and math and reading scores between 2019 and 2024.  

Reading scores in progressive, centrist districts decline 

For the 10 inelastic cities mentioned above, these were the trends in average reading scores: 

A graph titled "average reading scores in progressive districts" which shows: Chicago up 2 points (from 253 out of a possible 500 in 2019 to 255 in 2024), New York no change (254 both years), Washington up 1 (from 251 to 252), Boston down 8 (from 257 to 249), Los Angeles up 1 (from 248 to 249), Philadelphia down 1 (243 to 242), Baltimore down 1 (241 to 240), Milwaukee down 1 (240 to 239), Cleveland down 11 (242 to 231) and Detroit down 3 (232 to 229).

The average school district in this group lost 2.1 points, lower than the national 5-point decline during this period (from 263 to 258). To put it another way, most progressive districts had almost no change in reading scores or below-average declines, but two districts (Cleveland and Boston) had abnormal declines. 

What about the four “kinda-sorta-progressive districts” (Austin, San Diego, Denver and Albuquerque)? 

A graph labeled "average reading scores in 'kinda-progressive' districts, which shows: San Diego lost 3 points (from 266 to 263), Denver gained 1 point (from 257 to 258), Austin lost 4 points (from 257 to 253) and Albuquerque lost 5 points (from 249 to 244)

None of these districts lost more points than the national average, although on average they did about as badly as the districts containing inelastic cities (a 2.7 point loss on average as opposed to 2.1 for the first group).

And what about the more centrist districts? In 2019, four of the five top performers were moderate districts in more red/purple states: Miami-Dade, Charlotte, Hillsborough and Guilford. Each of the first three lost an above-average 7 points. 

A graph titled "average reading scores in moderate districts" which shows:  (Miami from 262 to 255, Hillsborough and Charlotte from 261 to 254).  Guilford lost 5 points (258 to 253). Among lower-performing moderate/conservative districts, Atlanta lost 3 points (255 to 252), Louisville lost 8 points (from 258 to 250), Clark County lost 6 points (from 256 to 250), Jacksonville lost 10 points (258 to 248), Houston lost 2 points (from 249 to 247), Dallas gained 2 points (from 242 to 244) and Fort Worth lost 5 points (from 243 to 238).

If I counted correctly, the average reading loss in this group was a bit over 5 points, roughly comparable to the national average and a few points worse than the more liberal districts. Six of the 11 lost more than five points, a higher percentage than for progressive cities — although none of them did as badly as Cleveland.**

An alert reader might notice that the more moderate districts had stronger scores to begin with, perhaps because they include more middle-income suburbs. Thus, one might have expected them to have larger declines, just as a million-person city might gain or lose more population in a year than a much smaller city. So what happens if I look at test score declines as percentages instead of raw numbers? Reading scores declined by over 2 percent in three relatively progressive cities (Boston, Cleveland and Albuquerque) and in eight more moderate districts (Miami, Hillsborough, Charlotte, Guilford, Louisville, Clark County, Jacksonville and Fort Worth). So, even controlling for their higher pre-2020 scores, the moderate districts lost a bit more ground. 

Mathematics scores show an even steeper drop

What about mathematics?  I have been reading a lot of media commentary suggesting that smartphones have rotted away Americans’ ability to read, and expected American 8th-graders to have lost less ground in math than in reading. But in fact, national math scores declined by more than reading scores: the average 8th-grade score declined by 8 points, from 282 to 274. While five urban districts improved slightly in reading (Dallas, Denver, Los Angeles, Washington and Chicago), not one had better math scores in 2024 than in 2019. 

Although math scores declined everywhere, some progressive districts did worse than others.

A graph showing average math scores in progressive districts, which shows:  (Los Angeles from 261 in 2019 to 260 in 2024, Philadelphia from 256 to 252), four lost between 5 and 8 points (San Diego from 283 to 275, New York from 273 to 267, Milwaukee from 252 to 244, Detroit from 244 to  237), and nine lost more than the national average (Austin from 282 to 273, Chicago from 275 to 265, Denver from 275 to 264, Boston from 279 to 264, Washington from 269 to 260, Albuquerque from 267 to 256, Baltimore from 254 to 245, and Cleveland from 253 to 242).

If I am counting correctly, the average decline for my left-leaning group was 8.5 points, and the median decline was 9 points. 

Mathematics scores also declined in more centrist school districts.  

A graph showing average math scores in moderate districts, which shows: Only two lost 8 points or less: Dallas (from 264 to 259) and Miami-Dade (from 276 to 268).  The other nine lost more than the 8-point national average: Charlotte (288 to 275), Hillsborough County (276 to 267) Guilford County (280 to 269), Houston (274 to 264), Clark County (272 to 262), Jacksonville (274 to 261), Atlanta (268 to 256), Louisville (273 to 256), Fort Worth (265 to 252).

To put it another way, the median decline for my more right-leaning districts was 11 points, and the average decline was also 11 points.   

However, if math decline is measured by percentage losses over the 2019-24 period, the difference between leftish and moderate districts arguably narrows but does not entirely disappear. Math scores declined by over 2% in every district but two (Los Angeles and Philadelphia). Math scores declined by over 4 percent in four of the 14 left-leaning districts (Denver, Boston, Albuquerque and Cleveland) and five of the 11 more moderate districts (Charlotte, Jacksonville, Atlanta, Louisville and Fort Worth). 

In sum, it looks like test scores declined in most urban districts, as they did in most of the United States, but somewhat to my surprise,*** there doesn’t seem to be a consistent pattern of leftish school districts losing more ground than more centrist districts.  

—

*The Nation’s Report Card website has ample data on both eighth-grade scores and fourth-grade scores. I chose to focus on eighth-grade scores because 1) of the limitations of space for a blog post and 2) it seems to me that a school district has more time to experiment on eighth-graders than on fourth-graders, and thus that the former group is a better measurement of school performance.  

** On a related note, Angie Schmitt, whose work on street safety I have written extensively about, has a Substack that often covers the deficiencies of Cleveland schools. 

***Why “to my surprise”? Partially because of my own preexisting biases, but partially because, as I wrote in earlier posts, crime does seem to have increased to a greater extent in more left-leaning cities during the early 2020s.


Michael Lewyn

Michael Lewyn is a professor at Touro University, Jacob D. Fuchsberg Law Center, in Long Island. His scholarship can be found at http://works.bepress.com/lewyn.

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