Smart Growth and its Discontents

30 September 2002 - 12:00am

Urban legends, edgeless cities, monster homes and other phenomena complicate the perception, application, and inclusion of Smart Growth.

Robert LangSigmund Freud, in his famous book Civilization and its Discontents, describes the inherent tension of modernity as humans needing civilization for survival but having basic drives that would tear it apart. One exists in civilization, but one is never really happy with it due to the limits a collective society demands. This is how I see Smart Growth—we really need land use reform, but we are never going to be entirely happy with it.

Much has been written about the benefits of Smart Growth and somewhat less on its drawbacks. These commentaries have focused on smart growth successes, smart growth rip-offs and smart growth out of control. However, very few address much less critique, the premises upon which the Smart Growth movement was built. I lay my critique out in three basic gripes—I could have picked more, but three seems like a reasonable number considering space limitations.

Gripe #1: Many Smart Growth advocates, especially New Urbanists, misread history.

The most important and common misread is what I call the “Great Divide” in urban history. Before World War II, metropolitan development was a Garden of Eden. After World War II, it was hell. The devil took the shape of an automobile, worked at GM, and financed the first enclosed shopping mall.

This great divide has also spurred some Smart Growth “urban legends”:

Legend: The automobile was thrust upon us all.
Fact: Not all of us. Western cities, especially Los Angeles, embraced the automobile as an icon and built large parts of their culture around it. Does anyone seriously believe that the celebratory car culture of Southern California was really a conspiracy that forced people into loving automobiles?

Legend: Before World War II, all developers were visionaries concerned with quality.
Fact: The first suburban strip development actually took place in the 1890s and coincided with the emergence of electric trolley. “Tax Payer Strips” were cheap shopping centers that developers held onto until the land value rose. The rent would often be just enough to pay the property taxes.

Gripe #2: Many of the metropolitan models on which Smart Growth is based are outdated and misinformed.

I am not referring here to the monocentric city, or the idea that the suburbs are monolithically well to do, and that the cities are all poor. Actually many smart growth advocates understand the idea of the polycentric metropolis and that the suburbs are quite diverse, while city neighborhoods are well to do.

The problem is that the new metropolis may be decentralized in ways that are beyond even this understanding and that an elusive urban form complicates smart growth. Edge cities are a well-known form of metropolitan development—rapidly growing suburban outposts consisting of mostly office and retail uses. "Edgeless cities" are a stealthy category of land use that has often been ignored by critics and policy makers. Edgeless cities are scatter shots of office sprawl found in the suburban crevices of all major metropolitan areas. Examples include the suburban office spills surrounding Princeton, New Jersey and parts of Loudon County, Virginia. (Loudon County was unfortunately dependent upon the largesse of now-struggling edgeless city residents such as WoldCom and AOLTimeWarner.) These edgeless cities are devolved versions of edge cities—they are often dependant on one type of use, not pedestrian friendly, not easily accessed by public transit, and not easy to locate. What connections can be made to and amongst this type of land use?

Gripe #3: The politics of smart growth are default toward exclusion and ideology.

The controversial category of the "monster homes" is illustrative of this point. Most smart growth advocates claim that newly constructed super homes unilaterally destroy vistas, deplete historic inventories, and waste resources. They are automatically viewed as a symbol of America’s rampant status seeking consumerism and antithetical to smart growth’s small, green and sweet image. However, as many smart growthers would say, there cannot be a one-size fits all approach. There are appropriate places for monster homes, you just have to look for them. Older suburbs that contain large numbers of small, decaying tract homes, can often boost ratables by allowing the infill of larger homes. A quick tour through the older suburbs turns up many communities that have a mix of large and small homes—building monster homes in traditional neighborhoods in city and suburb is consistent with the old urbanism. The once-thought ostentatious mansions of the robber barons are now the historic jewels of Washington, DC’s Embassy Row. Compromise, quality and context must be considered before automatic exclusion. Smart growth has to be a big tent that accommodates everyone, even rich people with bad taste.


Robert E. Lang is Director of the Metropolitan Institute at Virginia Tech in Alexandria, VA.

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I can't resist, just one more...

The opponents of urbanism, public transportation, and "smart growth," in addition to making frequent specious appeals to freedom, individualism, and choice, so rare in the suburbs, also make frequent emotional and patriotic appeals to the "American Dream," i.e. home ownership. Wendell Cox is especially prone to resorting to these claims. Here's an article from the Business Review quarterly of the Philadelphia Federal Reserve Board, never known as a hotbed of radical economic thought, discussing the extensive and expensive subsidies provided for home ownership in America.

http://www.phil.frb.org/files/br/brq202ec.pdf

More Reason and suburban warriors

I'm delighted to find that even Reason Magazine itself is less than sanguine about the suburban phenomenon as represented by Orange County, as it so often seems to violate the motto of "free minds, free markets." Especially the "free minds" part. Here's a link to Reason Magazine's review of Suburban Warriors.

http://reason.com/0110/cr.bd.the.shtml

It's interesting that transit dependent, pedestrian friendly, "decadent," socially permissive, "big government" New York City, the arch-devil in the devil theory of the country's anti-urban warriors, is host to the world's largest capital markets, probably the closest thing we have laboratory pure free markets. NYC has depended very little on the Department of Defense, which of course failed to protect it from harm. Freeway dependent, socially intolerant, Eisenhower/Space Age era OC (and SoCal in general), on the other hand, has had to rely heavily on defense for its bread and butter.

More Goldwater, more suburban warriors

Here's another blurb from Amazon. Check the book out in addition to what's been said on the other side of things, and decide for yourselves whether the Orange Counties of the country really are the Edens of freedom and individual choice that they are made out to be by their defenders. FWIW, the book isn't written as an overt attack on suburbanization or conservative politics per se:

Publisher's Weekly:

In the early 1960s, American conservatives seemed to have fallen on hard times. McCarthyism was on the run, and movements on the political left were grabbing headlines. The media lampooned John Birchers's accusations that Dwight Eisenhower was a communist puppet. Mainstream America snickered at warnings by California Congressman James B. Utt that "barefooted Africans" were training in Georgia to help the United Nations take over the country. Yet, in Utt's home district of Orange County, thousands of middle-class suburbanites proceeded to organize a powerful conservative movement that would land Ronald Reagan in the White House and redefine the spectrum of acceptable politics into the next century.

Suburban Warriors introduces us to these people: women hosting coffee klatches for Barry Goldwater in their tract houses; members of anticommunist reading groups organizing against sex education; pro-life Democrats gradually drawn into conservative circles; and new arrivals finding work in defense companies and a sense of community in Orange County's mushrooming evangelical churches. We learn what motivated them and how they interpreted their political activity. Lisa McGirr shows that their movement was not one of marginal people suffering from status anxiety, but rather one formed by successful entrepreneurial types with modern lifestyles and bright futures. She describes how these suburban pioneers created new political and social philosophies anchored in a fusion of Christian fundamentalism, xenophobic nationalism, and western libertarianism.

While introducing these rank-and-file activists, McGirr chronicles Orange County's rise from "nut country" to political vanguard. Through this history, she traces the evolution of the New Right from a virulent anticommunist, anti-establishment fringe to a broad national movement nourished by evangelical Protestantism. Her original contribution to the social history of politics broadens--and often upsets-- our understanding of the deep and tenacious roots of popular conservatism in America.

Suburban warriors

Since Robert Cote has been good enough to commend the (too-left-for-O.C. Barry) Goldwater Instititute, I think readers should also check out Harvard historian Lisa McGirr's "Suburban Warriors: the Origin of the New American Right" to see to what degree things like individual choice are respected, or even permitted in sprawling suburban regions like Orange County, and how much notions like "freedom" or "personal choice" are really valid issues underlying suburbanization.

This is from the Amazon blurb on the book:

Prototypical rather than typical, suburban Orange County, Calif., provides Harvard historian McGirr with an illuminating microcosm of the historical transformations that took conservative activism from the conspiracy-obsessed fringes of the John Birch Society to the election of Ronald Reagan, first as governor of California and then as president. Drawing heavily on interviews with grassroots activists as well as a wide range of primary documents, McGirr paints a complex picture exploring the apparent contradiction of powerfully antimodern social, political and religious philosophies thriving in a modern, technological environment and translating into sustained political activity. Federal spending, beginning in WWII and continuing with massive Cold War defense contracts and military bases, was the driving force behind Orange County's booming economy. A frontier-era mythos of rugged individualism, nurtured on hatred of eastern elites who funded western growth before Uncle Sam conveniently hid this dependency. The local dominance of unfettered private development chaotically disorganized in the county's northwest, corporately planned elsewhere destroyed existing communities, producing an impoverished public sphere, a vacuum conservative churches and political activism helped fill. Migrants primarily from nonindustrial regions became more conservative in reaction to the stresses of suburban modernity, while selectively assimilating benefits. Racial and class homogeneity nurtured a comforting conformity consciously defended against outside threats. United by enemies, libertarian and social conservatives rarely confronted their differences. Against this complex, contradictory background, McGirr charts the evolution of a movement culture through various stages, issues and forms of organizing. Incisive yet fair, this represents an important landmark in advancing a nuanced understanding of how antimodernist ideologies continue to thrive.

SmUG and (dis)Content (3 of 3)

Robert E. Lang writes:

> Smart Growth and its Discontents ...

>
> The problem is that the new metropolis may be decentralized in ways that are

> beyond even this understanding and that an elusive urban form complicates

> smart growth.

No. The new pattern of urban areas are not beyond understanding. Even a

planner can draw a straight line towards zero through data points that go

back as far as the 1910 census. The problem is that -planners- are not in

the business of accommodating trends but rather -opposing- them. Hence our

current situation of massively disparate taxation of similar activities

based on misguided planner agendas. Taxation being effectively the only

tool of municipalities in land use disputes. This brings us back to Napa

And Ventura where another tool (land use regulation) remains effective only

because the voters took the ultimate planning authority away from planners.

> Edge cities are a well-known form of metropolitan

> development—rapidly growing suburban outposts consisting of mostly office

> and retail uses.

Oh, pleuuze. "Edge Cities" is a recent buzzword coined by Joel Garreau only

in 1991 and defined by him by his 5 rules:

1. The area must have more than five million square feet of office space

(about the space of a good-sized downtown)

2. The place must include over 600,000 square feet of retail space (the

size of a large regional shopping mall)

3. The population must rise every morning and drop every afternoon (i.e.,

there are more jobs than homes)

4. The place is known as a single end destination (the place "has it

all;" entertainment, shopping, recreation, etc.)

5. The area must not have been anything like a "city" 30 years ago (cow

pastures would have been nice)

> "Edgeless cities" are a stealthy category of land use that

> has often been ignored by critics and policy makers.

Could it be that edgeless cities are ignored because you've set up edge

cities as a problem and now you want to call not edge cities a problem as

well? Hint, proposing solutions is the way to persuade.

> Edgeless cities are

> scatter shots of office sprawl found in the suburban crevices of all major

> metropolitan areas. Examples include the suburban office spills surrounding

> Princeton, New Jersey and parts of Loudon County, Virginia. (Loudon County

> was unfortunately dependent upon the largesse of now-struggling edgeless

> city residents such as WoldCom and AOLTimeWarner.) These edgeless cities are

> devolved versions of edge cities—they are often dependant on one type of

> use, not pedestrian friendly, not easily accessed by public transit, and not

> easy to locate. What connections can be made to and amongst this type of

> land use?

The connections are obvious. These are Garreau's Edge Cities as well. I'd

like to see a measurable distinction between Garraeu's Edge Cities and your

Edgeless Cities.

>
> Gripe #3: The politics of smart growth are default toward exclusion and

> ideology.

Au contraire. The politics of SmUG are all about mixed use and close

proximity. You are instead griping about the results of government meddling

in the development process for reasons other than their responsibility to

community (safety, compatibility, etc.).

>
> The controversial category of the "monster homes" is illustrative of this

> point. Most smart growth advocates claim that newly constructed super homes

> unilaterally destroy vistas, deplete historic inventories, and waste

> resources. They are automatically viewed as a symbol of America’s rampant

> status seeking consumerism and antithetical to smart growth’s small, green

> and sweet image. However, as many smart growthers would say, there cannot be

> a one-size fits all approach. There are appropriate places for monster

> homes, you just have to look for them. Older suburbs that contain large

> numbers of small, decaying tract homes, can often boost ratables by allowing

> the infill of larger homes.

This is merely another case of overgeneralization. SmUGLERs neither speak

with a single voice nor even with a consistent voice. Even SmUG is nothing

more than the latest incarnation of previously discredited Nurb and NeoTrad

and whatever came before that. It is a "given" in any discussion of

planning meta-principles that urban advocates will attempt to continually

redefine the discussion and their public personas as

SmUG and (dis)Content (2 of 3)

> Robert E. Lang writes:

> Smart Growth and its Discontents (cont)...

[Pt. Overview and summary Pt 2 & 3 details are examined in depth]

>
> Gripe #1: Many Smart Growth advocates, especially New Urbanists, misread

> history.

>
> The most important and common misread is what I call the “Great Divide” in

> urban history. Before World War II, metropolitan development was a Garden of

> Eden. After World War II, it was hell. The devil took the shape of an

> automobile, worked at GM, and financed the first enclosed shopping mall.

It is certainly are correct in the conclusion that SmUGLERs are generally

anti-POV for reasons of either religion or demonization in order to advance

a competing agenda. It is also important to expose what misguided NUrbists

refer to as "evidence" of unwieldy conspiracies and roads cabals and evil

capitalist plans . The failure resides in not addressing the many

legitimate social and economic forces that were responsible for reshaping

society over the same timeframe. These forces are actually easy to tease

out of the fabric of 1920-1960 if one is diligent. Transit usage was

falling, mobility was rising, transit costs were rising at many times an

already high cost of living rate, POV costs were falling in both real and

relative terms, etc., etc. The pervasive success of the POV to address

unmet societal needs is the effect and not the cause of social pressures for

a different urban model.

>
> This great divide has also spurred some Smart Growth “urban legends”:

>
> Legend: The automobile was thrust upon us all. Fact: Not all of us. Western

> cities, especially Los Angeles, embraced the automobile as an icon and built

> large parts of their culture around it. Does anyone seriously believe that

> the celebratory car culture of Southern California was really a conspiracy

> that forced people into loving automobiles?

What an incredibly bad example to support a universal truth. Didn't you

watch "Roger Rabbit?" Just kidding, rather, LA is an example, THE example

of the modern embrace of transportation mobility as a generator of wealth.

The reliable PE surface transit system fueled LA's growth, building on the

reliable water transportation system that was just previously completed.

Pacific Rim deep water ports connected to the continental rail network were

the next contributors. Finally, the adequate roads network proposed under

Governor Brown, (... NO! the real Gov "Pat" Brown) took over as the latest

transportation solution.

What went wrong? Glad you asked. The adequate roads network was never

completed AND despite the suprising ability of the remaining pieces to cover

the massive infrastructure shortfall local governments all oversubscribed to

the freeway system. Too many people, over-reliance on freeways, excessive

density, all are in the extreme in Greater Los Angeles. LA also discovered

an impact that should have been obvious but was apparently overlooked at the

time. Big (physical extent) urban areas regardless of density require far

more infrastructure for the same levels of mobility. It takes much more

capacity to serve a metro of 4 million than two metros of 2 million each.

>
> Legend: Before World War II, all developers were visionaries concerned with

> quality.

Exactly. I take it you are familiar with and obliquely referring to that

classic bit of Americana; "It's a Wonderful Life." It describes exactly how

miserable the "company town" old style density could be. This is the

reality of presuburbanamerica. Only planners and SmUGLERS pine for the days

of pre- WW-II urban patterns. An excellent example BTW of the urban legend

syndrome among the planning class.

> Fact: The first suburban strip development actually took place in

> the 1890s and coincided with the emergence of electric trolley. “Tax Payer

> Strips” were cheap shopping centers that developers held onto until the land

> value rose. The rent would often be just enough to pay the property taxes.

>

Ahhh but that's only half the story. Those trolley lines were subsidized by

the developers themselves. Imagine that, self-financing of transportation

infrastructure. Wow, we haven't ever done that in the US at least for a

long time excepting of course air and roads and cargo rail and pipelines and

canals and ports and locks and inland waterways and well.... Every form of

transport EXCEPT public transit. See the connection? When these old

Smart Growth

America is beautiful and home of the brave, and also home to the "free" market place of a wide variety of companies responding to that market. That is the great thing about our country, we all get to do what we want to do, when we want to. I support those rights, even if the particular person/company/agency/institute hasn't a clue to the full range of their effects, consequences and/or legacy. (And, if I read the paper correctly, I think the Bush Administration is advocatng an attack on Iraq - not mandating Smart Growth principles at the federal, state and local level).

The larger point of Smart Growth is actually all the smaller ones- connected, diverse, environmentally-responsible, accessible, people- orientd places/neighborhoods/towns/cities/regions that are comfortable to walk, convenient to shop,contain parking for cars, offer a mix of housing choices (large mansions as well as small apartments), and the ability to safely move about via foot, bike, car, taxi, bus or train. All held together by a prominent public realm of streets, parks, and open spaces.

Personal choice

RC, again with the political evocation of "personal choice." You mean like Irvine, CA, where your house color is dictated to you? Or Cobb County, GA, whose government has resolved to condemn the "homosexual lifestyle"? Surely no places more completely abhor personal choice than the Eisenhower era suburbs and their descendants (especially the military/aerospace company towns of the South and West). Which is why, of course, gays overlwhelmingly do not live there and do not want to live there. For the most part, living in the suburbs still limits you to the lifestyle choices available in the Eisenhower era, and increasingly, this is not an acceptably wide range under current circumstances.

smart growth / new urbanism

Mr Lang's "gripes" are really quite misplaced and unhelpful......Yeah, perhaps there's an exaggeration concerning pre and post ww2 urbanism by New Urbanists.....BUT it's a much, much greater exaggeration to imply that pre and post ww2 urbanism resembled eachother. In regards to taste, yeah there's an attempt to seek a higher ideal of urban and residential form and design......but Mr Lang seems to want to remind us that there should be no standards, and no ideals.......it certainly is nasty of us New Urbanists to call crap, crap.....and to hurt the tender little feelings of the all American slob culture....Elitists we are, and should ALWAYS be reminded of our separatness from the the comfortable apathy that is suburbia.......Mr Lang's ideas are apologist exemplars for the typical suburban mediocrity.....let's make nice and keep everything level and mediocre.......And wouldn't Mr Jefferson would be proud of this type of lowest common denominator democracy?

SmUG and (dis)Content

> Robert E. Lang writes:

> Smart Growth and its Discontents Urban legends, edgeless cities, monster

> homes and other phenomena complicate the perception, application, and

> inclusion of Smart Growth.

You've just got to love an editorial that manages to needle nearly every possible constituency or opponent with the title alone. Let's deconstruct those comments before going into the body of the editorial for further details. Critics of SmUG are not discontent, they are a vast, in power, majority that are critical of a concept that overtly denigrates personal choice and covertly attempts to devalue the single largest financial investment of these same stakeholders. Urban legends revolve around the past as a model and not on current realities. Edgeless cities do not exist, this is merely an admission that the old urban boundary definition is inadequate. Monster homes are nothing new nor any demonstrable negative to the built environment. The true content of this editorial resides in the last few words of the title and in this we agree; There is a disconnect between the intent and execution of SmUG principles and an equally wide gulf between the public face of SmUG advocates and their hidden agenda.

> By Robert E. Lang Sep 30, 2002

>
> Freud, in his famous book Civilization and its

> Discontents, describes the inherent tension of modernity as humans needing

> civilization for survival but having basic drives that would tear it apart.

Freud seems to be defining the human need for cities and simultaneously the human desire to not live in those cities perhaps? Hardly an insight. Since Freud's time we have managed to accommodate both those desires. We call them suburbs.

> One exists in civilization, but one is never really happy with it due to the

> limits a collective society demands. This is how I see Smart Growth—we

> really need land use reform, but we are never going to be entirely happy

> with it.

Only SmUGLERS (smart urban growth lovers) and planners are unhappy with the current process. Everyone else is content to let evolutionary land use policies develop. SmUGLERs like all malcontents claim the -need- to change the status quo. Planners are merely pursuing their life goals of shaping the developed environment to their will. Recent trends in land use regulation, notably Napa and Ventura Counties in California represent the greatest threats to the NewUrb/NeoTrad/SmUG fad du jour of the "professional" planning community. Surely Napa and Ventura are effectively promoting the -claimed- goals of those planner driven marketing progroms but their failing is in their inability to promote the agenda planners assumed would follow from such programs. It should be noted that every single planner at the city and county level publicly opposed the passage of Ventura Counties' SOAR initiative.

Dense transit oriented urban conclaves surrounded by distinct rural character, in other words, nodalism on a regional basis is unnatural for our current circumstances.

>
> Much has been written about the benefits of Smart Growth and somewhat less

> on its drawbacks.

Oh, pleuuze. The supposed benefits have been promoted to no end and the technical literature are filled with the measured failings. It is hubris in the extreme to think there is any substantial body of pro SmUG evidence or that there is not a large body of measurable SmUG refutation already extant. I object in both these directions. Editorialist Lang certainly has some things to offer and he expands upon several points but to imply that any of these points are original is exaggeration.

> These commentaries have focused on smart growth successes,

> smart growth rip-offs and smart growth out of control. However, very few

> address much less critique, the premises upon which the Smart Growth

> movement was built. I lay my critique out in three basic gripes—I could have

> picked more, but three seems like a reasonable number considering space

> limitations.

On the net, no one can hear you "run on." In the future I suggest any and all proceed without fear of your bring down the world wide web with too many bytes. More importantly, many long standing and vocal opponents of SmUG would certainly welcome additional critical comments but the reader is done a disservice to not at least mention those people and organizations. Randall O'Toole, Wendell Cox, The Reason Institute, Thoreau Institute, Goldwater Institute, amongst a great many others would be on such a list.

The decentralized nature of the SG movement

I think the responses posted as of this writing show that the smart growth movement is far from defined in the eyes of most planners. Definitions are abound of what smart growth “should” represent, varying in basic principles as well as details. Discussions of smart growth always generate heated discussion because no single view or set of principles can cover the huge range of beliefs as to what the movement represents. This leaves so much room for critique that very rarely do the resulting discussions yield information that is useful to those engaged in development activities.

This editorial covers the shortcomings of some smart growth approaches, but certainly does nothing to discredit the movement or the beliefs of the many who do not take the short-sighted, history-ignorant view Mr. Lang assigns to them. As with the majority of smart growth discussions I have read, this adds to the literature another set of considerations by which followers and dissenters can use to refine their own definitions of “smart growth”.

Lang's "Gripes" not clear

While Mr. Lang makes several compelling points, he does not justify the title of the article. Rather, he identifies three points of contention with Smart Growth philosophy, but does not adequately support them. One has to wade through some (admittedly) impressivle and esoteric arguments, but in the end does not support his "Gripes" clearly.

Conspiracy

While this article has many good points, as well as many debatable points, I will take issue with Mr. Lang's first "legend" under Gripe #1, namely that the automobile was thrust upon us all. It is ironic that Lang chose Southern California as an example. The sprawling pattern of the Los Angeles basin was determined NOT by the car but by the Pacific Electric's system of interurban railways. Furthermore, there was indeed a conspiracy among GM, Standard Oil and others to systematically destroy the interurban system and impose GM manufactured busses and cars. This conspiracy eventually came to light in the august halls of Congress and GM, in an admission of guilt, paid a fine, albeit ridiculously low for the damage it wrought.

Lang attacks straw men of smart growth

Robert Lang's "Smart Growth and its Discontents" attacks straw men to critique smart growth. Are there really that many smart growth proponents so dumb that they think America was an urban paradise before 1945, which suddently became an urban hell?

A smarter smart growth position understands that America faced urban difficulties throughout the 19th and 20th Century, but attempted to "solve" them in ways which became very destructive. The automobile was not "forced" on people, but a structure was created where the automobile was the "logical" choice. In the decades between 1910 and 1970, European and Canadian cities invested heavily in mass transit, American cities did not. Not surprisingly, American mass transit deteriorated. Meanwhile, the state and federal governments invested heavily in highway and then freeway building. At the same time, the federal government favored mortgage lending in the (then very segregated) suburbs, while redlining many urban neighborhoods. There were and are a myriad of other subsidies which went mostly to the suburbs, most notably the tax deductibility of mortgage interest. This policy favors higher income homeowners over lower income ones (many of whom do not itemize their deductions) and tenants, who get no equivalent tax break.

The outcome is that not only are European cities different from cities in the United States, but so are Canadian cities here in North America. The proportion of trips Americans make by automobile is significantly higher even than Canada's.

Adopting a "smart growth" approach does not automatically solve all planning problems. Some see "monster" homes as an example of smart growth (infill in existing neighborhoods), others as travesty of it. Transit on the urban edge is another issue--should agencies seek to serve all areas or focus away from these edges since they are so expensive to serve? But the overall point--that American metropolitan areas desparately need to become more compact, more energy efficient, and more transit-oriented remains. The alternative, which is includes an ever-warming global climate, is unacceptable.

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It has been estimated that half of all Americans, and two-thirds of urban Americans, live in suburbia. Here are the key questions: Does suburbia exist because it is the natural "culmination of urban development"?