Housing in 'Smart Growth' Cities: Is It Really Worth The Cost?

26 August 2002 - 12:00am

Stringent land use regulations in "Smart Growth" areas such as Portland and San Jose translate into higher housing prices. Do these costs reflect greater livability or limited opportunity?

Randal O'TooleOn August 12 the Wall Street Journal described a 350-square-foot former public toilet in south London that developers are turning into a "stylish apartment." They expect to sell it for around $200,000. "Believe me," a developer told the Journal, "there will be a lot of interest."

"In the past decade, the U.K. has been building fewer houses than at any time since World War II," says the Journal. The resulting housing shortage is reflected in the fact that people spend an average of just 18 minutes looking at a house before making an offer.

The Wall Street Journal attributes the housing shortage to "bureaucratic difficulties in getting planning permission -- especially in protected areas of greenery surrounding cities." As a result, "houses are so scarce that people will buy anything."

This seems likely to be the future of housing in Portland and other "smart-growth" cities. It is increasingly clear that housing affordability is strongly influenced by the level of government planning and regulation.

On August 9, USA Today printed a housing index developed by Coldwell Banker for scores of U.S. cities. The index is based on the median price of a mid-level, 2,200-square foot, four-bedroom, two-bath home. Table 1 below presents mid-level home prices for selected cities along with the growth rates of the city and urban area from 1990 to 2000.

A scan of the numbers suggests there is little correlation between home prices and growth rates. In the fastest growing urban area in America, Las Vegas, the mid-level home sells for $182,000. Despite slow growth and the dot-com collapse, housing prices in the San Francisco-Oakland and San Jose areas remain several times that amount.

On the other hand, there appears to be a strong correlation between land-use regulation and housing prices. Land-use regulations are strong in the San Francisco-Oakland and San Jose areas, in Oregon, Boulder, Massachusetts, and Maryland. Cities in these states and urban areas have the highest housing prices. Land-use rules are weak in Nevada, Arizona, Idaho, and Wyoming, and cities in these states have some of the lowest housing prices.

Of course, housing price is only part of the affordability equation. The other part is income. If incomes in Seattle are double those in Las Vegas, then Seattle housing (which costs slightly less than twice as much as in Las Vegas) may actually be the more affordable. Alas for Seattlites, Seattle household incomes are less than 50 percent greater than those in Las Vegas.

The National Association of Home Builders regularly compares median incomes with median home prices for nearly two hundred metropolitan areas. The "housing opportunity index" is the percentage of homes affordable to a family of median income in each metropolitan area. I compared the latest edition of the index (first quarter 2002) with the 1990s growth rates for those areas. These numbers are in Table 2.

The r-squared (a statistical measure of correlation) between the index and growth was less than 0.007, which is no better than random (i.e., two random number sets easily score r-squareds higher than 0.007). Thus, housing affordability has little relationship with growth. Instead, other factors such as land-use regulation are determining affordability.

According to the latest edition of this index, the nation's least affordable housing markets are almost all in California, Massachusetts, and Oregon, which are all heavily regulated states. Affordable fast-growing regions are in Arizona, Florida, Georgia, Nevada, and Texas. Except for Florida, all of these are lightly regulated.

Defenders of land-use planning argue that planning makes cities more livable, so naturally they would be more desirable and thus housing would be more expensive. But is Portland really more livable than Albuquerque? Or Oakland more livable than Las Vegas? San Francisco is a fun place to visit, but is it really four times more livable than Phoenix?

Attempts to make housing more affordable through "inclusionary zoning" -- an ordinance requiring developers to offer a certain percentage of their homes at prices affordable to low-income buyers -- will only make the problem worse. The "affordable housing" provided by this ordinance will make up a tiny percentage of the entire housing market. But developers will have to increase the cost of the other homes they build in order to cross-subsidize the affordable units. This will drive up overall market prices as resellers take advantage of higher new home costs.

I suspect the main beneficiaries of inclusionary zoning won't include many of the low-income people who are most hurt by housing regulation. Instead, recent college graduates, whose incomes are low enough to qualify for low-income housing but whose lifetime earnings are likely to be high, will probably snap up much of the low-income housing required by inclusionary rules.

Further research should develop an index of regulation that could be directly compared with, say, the NAHB housing opportunity index. The highest level of regulation might be found in cities such as Boulder or some parts of the San Francisco Bay Area that strictly limit the number of new building permits issued each year.

The most important thing homebuilders and realtors can do, however, is to put a human face on unaffordable housing. The South Carolina Landowners' Association is a coalition of realtors and low-income, often minority, landowners that is fighting land-use regulation in that state. This group provides a model that people in other regions should emulate.


Randal O'Toole is senior economist with the Thoreau Institute and author of The Vanishing Automobile and Other Urban Myths: How Smart Growth Will Harm American Cities.


APPENDIX

Table 1. Mid-Level Home Prices and City and Urban Area Growth

   
Percent Growth 1990-2000
City
Level
City
Urban Area
Albuquerque
$190,000
17
20
Anchorage
$237,988
15
2
Atlanta
$269,780
6
62
Baltimore
$243,500
-12
10
Boise
$173,500
48
62
Boston
$628,333
3
45
Boulder
$462,000
11
14
Cheyenne
$177,000
6
11
Denver
$251,600
19
31
Houston
$162,480
20
32
Las Vegas
$181,800
85
89
Madison
$197,790
9
35
Mesa
$180,133
38
45
Milwaukee
$222,633
-5
7
Minneapolis
$301,566
4
15
Oakland
$649,333
7
6
Palo Alto
$1,263,250
5
7
Phoenix
$209,283
34
45
Portland
$275,725
21
35
Raleigh
$203,166
33
77
Reno
$239,205
35
42
Salt Lake
$234,725
14
12
San
$891,000
7
6
Seattle
$335,317
9
56

Table 2. First Quarter 2002 Housing Opportunity Index (HOI) and 1990-2000 Growth

Name HOI Growth
Pittsfield, MA MSA 65.7 -4.5
Pittsburgh, PA MSA 69.4 -1.5
Syracuse, NY MSA 82.8 -1.4
Youngstown-Warren, OH MSA 85.8 -1
Dayton-Springfield, OH MSA 90 -0.1
Springfield, MA MSA 76.4 0.7
Toledo, OH MSA 81.6 0.7
Mansfield, OH MSA 83.5 1
Williamsport, PA MSA 81.4 1.1
Flint, MI PMSA 66.5 1.3
Albany-Schenectady-Troy, NY MSA 68.5 1.6
Duluth-Superior, MN-WI MSA 81.1 1.6
Cleveland-Lorain-Elyria, OH PMSA 79.9 2.2
Hartford, CT MSA 75.8 2.2
Peoria-Pekin, IL MSA 90.8 2.4
Canton-Massillon, OH MSA 83 3.3
Waterbury, CT PMSA 62.7 3.3
Rochester, NY MSA 78.6 3.4
Champaign-Urbana, IL MSA 87 3.8
Detroit, MI PMSA 67.1 4.1
Honolulu, HI MSA 59.7 4.8
Milwaukee-Waukesha, WI PMSA 76 4.8
Philadelphia, PA-NJ PMSA 76.7 5
Boston, MA-NH PMSA 48.2 5.5
Nassau-Suffolk, NY PMSA 74.8 5.5
Akron, OH PMSA 79.9 5.7
Newark, NJ PMSA 62.1 6.1
Vineland-Millville-Bridgeton, NJ PMSA 85.6 6.1
Springfield, IL MSA 92.6 6.3
Houma, LA MSA 67.1 6.4
Worcester, MA-CT PMSA 57.4 6.9
Harrisburg-Lebanon-Carlisle, PA MSA 80.4 7
Baltimore, MD PMSA 77.4 7.2
Bergen-Passaic, NJ PMSA 61.5 7.4
Lowell, MA-NH PMSA 35.6 7.5
Trenton, NJ PMSA 68.4 7.7
Portsmouth-Rochester, NH-ME PMSA 21.5 7.8
Louisville, KY-IN MSA 77.8 8.1
Goldsboro, NC MSA 76.4 8.3
Hagerstown, MD PMSA 76.6 8.7
Cincinnati, OH-KY-IN PMSA 83.6 8.9
Birmingham, AL MSA 73.4 9.6
Reading, PA MSA 79.9 11
Redding, CA MSA 50.2 11
Jackson, MS MSA 81.3 11.5
Chicago, IL PMSA 73.7 11.6
Chico-Paradise, CA MSA 40.9 11.6
Burlington, VT MSA 64.6 11.8
Omaha, NE-IA MSA 82.2 12.1
Danbury, CT PMSA 60.6 12.6
Rockford, IL MSA 84.9 12.6
Ventura, CA PMSA 36.9 12.6
Memphis, TN-AR-MS MSA 76.1 12.7
Salinas, CA MSA 7.7 13
Hattiesburg, MS MSA 68.5 13.1
Tulsa, OK MSA 77.5 13.3
Nashua, NH PMSA 58.7 13.5
Hamilton-Middletown, OH PMSA 83.9 14.2
Wilmington-Newark, DE-MD PMSA 89.4 14.2
Columbus, OH MSA 78.2 14.5
Oakland, CA PMSA 23.9 14.9
Anchorage, AK MSA 75.6 15
Pueblo, CO MSA 64.1 15
Vallejo-Fairfield-Napa, CA PMSA 17.9 15
Richmond-Petersburg, VA MSA 79.3 15.1
Spokane, WA, MSA 66.1 15.7
Greenville-Spartanburg-Anderson, SC MSA 81.5 15.9
Des Moines, IA 84.5 16.1
Amarillo, TX MSA 68.7 16.2
Miami, FL PMSA 58.1 16.3
Indianapolis, IN MSA 88.6 16.4
Biloxi-Gulfport-Pascagoula, MS MSA 71.6 16.5
Washington, DC-MD-VA-WV PMSA 78.3 16.6
Elkhart-Goshen, IN MSA 94.9 17
Stockton-Lodi, CA MSA 27.2 17.3
Lexington, KY MSA 80.6 18
Merced, CA MSA 33 18
Visalia-Tulare-Porterville, CA MSA 63.6 18
Columbia, SC MSA 81.5 18.4
Seattle-Bellevue-Everett, WA PMSA 63.1 18.8
Yolo, CA PMSA 38.9 19.5
Tacoma, WA PMSA 54.7 19.6
Pensacola, FL MSA 82.8 19.7
Gainesville, FL MSA 76.1 20
Barnstable-Yarmouth, MA MSA 36.7 20.5
Sarasota-Bradenton, FL MSA 72.6 20.5
Jacksonville, FL MSA 77.8 21.4
Sacramento, CA PMSA 43.7 21.5
Bakersfield, CA MSA 69.4 21.7
Tallahassee, FL MSA 85.1 21.8
Fresno, CA MSA 52.1 22.1
Lawrence, MA-NH PMSA 38.1 22.2
Bremerton, WA PMSA 62.5 22.3
Springfield, MO, MSA 88.7 23.2
Medford-Ashland, OR MSA 29.1 23.8
Greenville, NC MSA 71.6 24
Salem, OR PMSA 50.4 24.9
Nashville, TN MSA 78.6 25
Houston, TX PMSA 67.8 25.8
Brazoria, TX PMSA 65.2 26.1
Tucson, AZ MSA 70.4 26.5
Portland-Vancouver, OR-WA PMSA 46.6 26.6
Richland-Kennewick-Pasco, WA, MSA 54.6 27.9
Olympia, WA PMSA 64.9 28.6
Boulder-Longmont, CO PMSA 62.4 29.3
Denver, CO PMSA 59.6 30
Dallas, TX PMSA 70.5 31.5
Ocala, FL MSA 82.8 32.9
Reno, NV MSA 70.8 33.3
Orlando, FL MSA 75.5 34.3
Greeley, CO PMSA 41.3 37.3
Atlanta, GA MSA 81.8 38.9
Provo-Orem, UT MSA 60.7 39.8
Phoenix-Mesa, AZ MSA 75.4 45.3
Boise City, ID 77.7 46.1
Yuma, AZ MSA 67.5 49.7
Naples, FL MSA 68.8 65.3
Buffalo-Niagara Falls, NY MSA 80.1 -1.6
New Bedford, MA PMSA 39.9 -0.3
Benton Harbor, MI MSA 70.2 0.7
Saginaw-Bay City-Midland, MI MSA 82.6 0.9
New London-Norwich, CT-RI MSA 70 1
Davenport-Moline-Rock Island, IA-IL MSA 89.8 2.3
New Haven-Meriden, CT PMSA 75.5 2.3
Lansing-East Lansing, MI MSA 80.9 3.5
New Orleans, LA MSA 69.5 4.1
St. Louis, MO-IL MSA 77.6 4.5
Providence-Fall River-Warwick, RI-MA, MSA 76.8 4.8
Kalamazoo-Battle Creek, MI MSA 67 5.4
Beaumont-Port Arthur, TX MSA 80.6 6.6
Rocky Mount, NC MSA 76.4 7.3
South Bend, IN MSA 80.8 7.5
San Francisco, CA PMSA 9.2 8
Charleston-North Charleston, SC MSA 68.5 8.3
New York, NY PMSA 49.9 9
Jersey City, NJ PMSA 45.4 10.1
Santa Cruz-Watsonville, CA PMSA 8 11.3
Kansas City, MO-KS MSA 86.4 12.2
San Jose, CA PMSA 20.1 12.4
San Diego, CA MSA 21.6 12.6
Oklahoma City, OK MSA 80.1 13
Yuba City, CA MSA 47.2 13.5
Baton Rouge, LA MSA 81.6 14.1
El Paso, TX MSA 68.8 14.9
Galveston-Texas City, TX PMSA 58.9 15.1
Tampa-St. Petersburg-Clearwater, FL MSA 77.4 15.9
Grand Rapids-Muskegon-Holland, MI MSA 80.6 16.1
Panama City, FL MSA 80.2 16.7
Minneapolis-St. Paul, MN-WI MSA 76.7 16.9
Orange County, CA PMSA 37.7 18.1
Santa Rosa, CA PMSA 15.3 18.1
Ann Arbor, Arbor, MI PMSA 60.2 18.1
Greensboro-Winston-Salem-High Point, NC MSA 83.2 19.2
Lakeland-Winter Haven, FL MSA 85.5 19.4
Melbourne-Titusville-Palm Bay, FL MSA 84.9 19.4
San Antonio, TX MSA 68.5 20.2
Fort Worth-Arlington, TX PMSA 79.7 25.1
Riverside-San Bernardino, CA PMSA 49.6 25.7
Santa Fe, NM, MSA 59.6 26.1
Punta Gorda, FL MSA 80.3 27.6
Charlotte-Gastonia-Rock Hill, NC-SC MSA 73.7 29
Fort Lauderdale, FL PMSA 70.3 29.3
Colorado Springs, CO MSA 60.1 30.2
Fort Collins-Loveland, CO MSA 57.2 35.1
Raleigh-Durham-Chapel Hill, NC MSA 75.6 38.9
Austin-San Marcos, TX MSA 67.9 47.7
Las Vegas, NV-AZ MSA 70.2 83.3
Los Angeles-Long Beach, CA PMSA 34.4 7.4
Santa Barbara-Santa Maria-Lompoc, CA MSA 25.2 8
Norfolk-Virginia Beach-Newport News, VA-NC MSA 75.5 8.8
Little Rock-North Little Rock, AR 77 13.8
Fort Walton Beach, FL MSA 83.8 18.6
Salt Lake City-Ogden, UT MSA 68.3 24.4
Fort Myers-Cape Coral, FL MSA 74.2 31.6
San Luis Obispo-Atascadero-Paso Robles, CA MSA 13 13.6
Fort Pierce-Port St. Lucie, FL MSA 78.4 27.2
West Palm Beach-Boca Raton, FL MSA 72.6 31
Atlantic-Cape May, NJ PMSA 62.4 11.1
Asheville, NC 67.2 17.8
Bellingham, WA 59.6 30.5
Charleston, WV 83.2 0.5
Eugene-Springfield, OR 38.9 14.2
Fargo-Moorhead, ND-MN 94.5 13.7
Fayetteville, NC 80 10.3
Knoxville, TN 77.7 17.3
Kokomo, IN 94.8 4.7
Lafayette, IN 86.1 13.2
Lafayette, LA 62.7 11.8
Mobile, AL 78.7 13.3
Modesto, CA 33.6 20.6
Muncie, IN 89.1 -0.7

HOI represents the percentage of homes in each region that is affordable to a family of median income in that region.
Growth is the population growth in percent between the 1990 and 2000 censuses.
MSA is metropolitan statistical area and PMSA is Partial MSA. MSAs and PMSAs are drawn along county boundaries.

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High cost of housing?

Mr. O'Toole tries to draw a correlation between land-use regulations and housing prices;

"Land-use regulations are strong in the San Francisco-Oakland and San Jose areas, in Oregon, Boulder, Massachusetts, and Maryland. Cities in these states and urban areas have the highest housing prices. Land-use rules are weak in Nevada, Arizona, Idaho, and Wyoming, and cities in these states have some of the lowest housing prices."

Few people really want to live in Nevada or Idaho, while California is a very popular place with a rapidly growing population. Oregon housing prices are influenced by proximity to California, many people from the Bay area sell their houses and move to Oregon, inflating housing prices. This relation has little to do with regulation and much more to do with market demand and geographic location.

Not the design??!!

Fascinating comments, Mr. Zilliacus. However, it is absolutely rediculous to say that design doesn't matter. Cabrini-Green acts the same as Greenwhich Village? I don't think so. If the failed modernist experiments of the 1950s-1970s demonstrated anything, it is that design matters TREMENDOUSLY.

The only reason that old areas like Greenwhich Village and new places like Kentlands don't have a good deomographic mix is because they are rare excellent places, and people love them. Since there isn't enough to go around, they cost a lot. As I said before, the solution is to build more of these places to satasfy the demand and the prices will come down.

The current situation where great urbanism is inhabited by wealthier demographic groups is a recent oddity created by the horrible condition of the urbanism of our generation. If we built new neighborhoods of the quality of SF's Marina District or DC's Georgetown then they would not cost so much. This unfortunate high cost of these places is not istitutionalized by policy or by their design. In fact, their design makes them MUCH MORE inclusive than modernist suburban monoculture development because different lot sizes and housing types are completely integrated, allowing different demographic groups to live together (if these great places weren't so darned rare and thus expensive). In conventional suburban development housing types and lot sizes are ruthlessly segregated, insitutionalizing the demographic segragation that you erroniously blame on traditional urbanism and New Urbanism. Also, these places don't require mandatory car ownership (at an average of $7,000 per year per car... min. of 1 car per adult) and thus have much more capacity for demographic diversity than suburban car-topias, Mr. Zilliacus.

The solution is more great places along the lines of Back Bay, Old Town Alexandria, Nantucket, Santa Barbara, Carmel, North Beach, etc. and the newer examples like Seaside and Kentlands. Once we have enough of them the prices will come back down to normal and their residensts can enjoy freedom from the economic burdens of mandatory auto ownership and the social pleasures of a diverse neighborhood that is alowed BY GOOD DESIGN.

So lift the freakin' ban on traditional urbansim already!!!! DESIGN MATTERS!!!!

And yes, in traditional urbanism the demographic mix can work well, even with the pesky poor people. Read "Death and Life of Great American Cities" for a glimpse into the workings of a diverse, dense, mixed use neighborhood before modernism, project planning, highway engineering, and suburban zoning had turned great traditional urbanism into treasured museum pieces that can only go to the highest bidder.

sorry, too long.

Sorry, about the cutoff. I just wanted to show that in contrast to Mr. Cox's appeals to freedom, especially freedom from government intrusion in peoples' intimate lives, that there is actually far less of it in sprawlville than in the real cities, which is why gays do not like living there. It's quite easy to document. Appeals to "freedom" as a basis for suburbanization are bogus.

In general, Gays and lesbians prefer walkable cities and towns, and the freedom that they enjoy there. Fire Island, New York has prohibited cars; Provincetown, Massachussetts makes heavy use of bicycles, and lesbian favorite Santa Fe, New Mexico is currently attempting to ban cars from its downtown plaza.

Gays, freedom, and individualism

I’m not an urban planner, but since Richard Florida’s book “The Rise of the Creative Class” was released, I can’t help but take an intense interest in the issue, especially since I would be considered “gay,” “minority,” and probably “bohemian” to boot.

First, about Richard Florida’s book. While “The Rise of the Creative Class” has aroused great interest in the gay press, many have been perplexed by the seemingly way off the mark “gay index” Florida has devised. Naturally, San Francisco is at the top of the list, and no disagreement from anybody there, but some very undistinguished cities like Rochester, Sacramento, San Diego, and Orlando follow. Others, among them Denver and Atlanta, have actually gained notoriety as sites of active attempts to persecute and discriminate against gays and to roll back or prevent any freedoms they may have achieved. Surprisingly, New York, the country’s largest community, comes in 14th, well behind even Miami, which itself has a high profile, if over-hyped community in South Beach. Even so, both of these cities, according to Florida, rank as less gay than never-heard-of-it Rochester. This in spite of the very visible evidence that San Francisco, New York, and in very distant third, Los Angeles, are the most active and developed gay locales in the country, with the largest and most diverse communities, the strongest political influence, the most legal protection against discrimination and persecution, the greatest tolerance by the larger society, and the best bars, restaurants, nightlife, community centers, and other opportunities for community organization and social contact. New York and San Francisco in particular are two of the most admired gay locales everywhere in the world. From the 1970’s onward, New York has adopted a typically shrewd and pragmatic approach towards its gays and lesbians, recognizing their economic importance in the city’s ultra high profile design, restaurant, entertainment, publishing, tourism, and other industries, and accommodating them accordingly. The NYPD and FD have highly visible recruitment programs for gays and lesbians, and the mayor and senator are regular participants in gay pride festivities. Unfortunately Florida’s gay index is based on glitched 1990 census data. This data counted only gay male couples, which if you’re familiar with the community, is not really a good measure of gay quality of life, and it did even this poorly. Other surveys have simply asked gay men and lesbians which cities they regard as most accommodating for them, and while San Francisco usually emerges on top, Rochester and Sacramento are almost “never heard ofs”. I would think similar results would prevail with artists, musicians, and other “bohemians,” who are attracted to cities based on the reputation of their arts and music scenes.

Second, Mr. Carson, you may want to refrain from making disparaging and poorly-informed remarks about minorities and gays. With four children, there is statistically an above average chance that one of them is gay, and it is also likely that there is at least one gay person, overt or not, numbered among your relations already. No one is “promoting” a gay lifestyle to anyone who isn’t already gay, any more than the larger society is “promoting” a heterosexual lifestyle. Believe me there is no way any amount of propaganda is going to have any influence on the decision to be straight or gay simply because it isn’t a decision. The best that can be done is to make life safer for gays, to end legally sanctioned discrimination against them, and to make the process of accepting one’s own sexual orientation less painful. Gays do not want anything less than the rights and freedoms that you enjoy by default.

I think we do have to thank Mr. Carson’s rather strident remarks, however, for making explicit some aspects of suburban sprawl that Mr. Cox, Mr. O’ Toole, and the other champions of suburbia would rather like to gloss over; which is that the sprawlvilles of America have turned out to be the major sites for prejudice, intolerance, and unfreedom in our society. In many cases this prejudice has lapsed into legally sanctioned bigotry against what has long been one of society’s most harshly oppressed and vulnerable groups, lesbians and gays. This has resulted in numerous attempts to limit individual freedom through intrusion on people’s intimate lives and the forcible imposition of collective moral standards that are anything but laissez-faire. Though these assaults on freedom affect many people, and not just lesbians and gays, I’ll focus mostly on them as they are relatively easily documented:

In 1998, two men in sprawling Houston, Texas were subjected to police officers invading their residence. The men were then arrested for having consensual sex in their own bedroom in their own home, under its “Homosexual Conduct Law.” The case is still pending. More recently, an anti-gay bal

"Diversity Community"

I find it sad that everyone seems to read racism - or implied racism - in comments made about "diversity" - my point is that I'm not interested in living in a big melting pot type community like say, San Francisco is. My own neighborhood, which is a typical middle middle class suburban development, has a mix of whites and BLACKS, folks, including my next door neighbor. Doesn't bother me in the least, and I don't see any folks in white bedsheets trying to keep anyone of any color or creed from buying a house as long as they qualify for the mortgage.

My own definition of "diversity" community really relegates more to the social engineering that many on the extreme left (as well as extreme right) want to impose on everyone. I don't care, for example, if someone is gay, but I sure as hell do not want a gay lifestyle promoted to my children under the label of "tolerance" that the gay lobby has used to sneak their agenda into the public schools. Nor do I want some Bible thumpers from the extreme right using the public school system to force my children to pray to their version of Jesus. I simply think people ought to be able to chose where they want to live WITHOUT gov't interference - and that goes for a tolerance of redlining as well as city ordinances from places like Berkeley which mandate that everyone put up with "diversity". :) The world should be a level playing field for everyone.

Possible solutions to demographic issue

There are a few isolated examples of smart growth projects (i.e. new urbanist projects) that provide and preserve affordability. These projects do not involve HUD, and may serve as a model in some communities. They may serve as model to address the legitimate concerns raised by Mr. Zilliacus. One such example can be found in Chaska, Minnesota.

Chaska is a small city of 17,000 approximately 20 miles southwest of the twin cities of Minneapolis and St Paul. Throughout the 1980s and 1990s, developers in Chaska often built $400,000 homes on 100-foot wide lots in neighborhoods with cul-de-sacs. The prevalent low-density vision made no allowance for low to moderate-income housing.

In 2000, the community established a markedly different direction by adopting a smart growth comprehensive plan requiring development to abide by new urbanist design principles that produce walkable, mixed-use, mix-income neighborhoods. This plan includes five planning precepts that all developers must follow: 1) Neighborhoods have identifiable centers and edges. 2) The most important and visible property in a neighborhood is utilized by some public use (i.e. public buildings, parks, and plazas). 3) Neighborhood size is limited by the distance from the center to the edge, generally a five to 10 minute walk (1/4 to ½ mile radius). 4) Neighborhoods consist of an integrated network of walkable streets. 5) Neighborhoods contain diversity in land uses, building types, building sizes, building styles, and styles of ownership.

When the city’s planners studied other greenfield smart growth (i.e. new urbanist) communities, they noted that the affordable housing issue had generally not been adequately addressed. Based on further research and discussions with planners elsewhere, the planning department engineered a solution to this pressing problem based on the use of the density bonus, community land trust, and rental subsidies from upper levels of government.

Since the plan’s adoption, two major projects have gone through the review process. In each case, developers had to approach the city with a concept plan that satisfactorily demonstrated how they were going to implement the appropriate sections of the comprehensive plan prior to receiving zoning entitlement. The details of a plan were worked out in the context of a planned unit development agreement. Density bonuses were used to encourage the production of affordable housing.

A key point made by Chaska’s planners is that the city enters these negotiations with sufficient leverage to get site designs that not only abide by the comprehensive plan’s clearly articulated planning principles, but also produce substantial amounts of affordable housing. These negotiations work well only because of the consistent support for the plan on the part of Chaska’s elected officials.

In the first major project approved under the 2000 plan, 330 of the 990 residential units are affordable to households making 80 percent of the median income. Chaska’s second major project, which is based on a weeklong design charrette done by Calthorpe and Associates, has a similar percentage of affordable units. In order to preserve affordability, the city established the Chaska Community Land Trust. The city and its partners in the private and non-profit sectors endowed the Trust. Over time, the Trust plans to increase the size of its endowment through fundraising activities. Chaska’s approach to affordable housing provides a model other communities can turn to when looking for ways to approach greenfield development in an inclusive manner.

It's the Demographics, not the Design

---Begin quote from Dan Zack---

(I must acknowledge that great traditional places like Old Town Alexandria, Greenwich Village, North Beach, and Georgetown are fantastically unaffordable, but that is not due to some inherently expensive quality of their design. They are expensive because they are highly desirable and there isn?t enough of them to go around. The solution to this problem is MORE traditional neighborhoods, not less.)

---end quote from Dan Zack---

Dan, you forgot one super-important factor, household incomes. The places you enumerated are all have high average per-household incomes. No poor people to speak of. That also holds true in Kentlands, Gaithersburg, Montgomery County, Maryland, designed by Andres Duany and Elizabeth Plater-Zyberk. Because Kentlands is inside the corporate limits of the City of Gaithersburg, which has its own independent zoning authority, the Montgomery County Moderately Priced Housing (MPH) Law does _not_ apply. So no irritating poor and middle-class people to deal with.

Please spare us the FUD Mr. Hagstrom

European countries have proven that you can maintain a high standard of living while preserving agricultural land and open space. Germany, with a population of 85 million in a country slightly smaller than the state of Montana has beautiful, liveable cities and a pastoral countryside with farms and forests that put this country to shame.

Had they taken the post WWII American approach to development their country would be one giant automobile slum covered in subdivisions, mobile homes, strips malls, and fast food restaurants. Instead they realized that there is a limit to property rights, that the individual doesn't own the land in perpetuity and the gains from short-term land use policies don't outweigh the long-term costs in damage to the landscape and society.

Like it or not the future of this country and the world is going to be very different than the last 50 years. Americans, as a nation, have a lot of growing up to do. From our noble, austere origins we've become a society of spoiled children who don't want to admit culturally toxic and unsustainable the American way of life really is.

Why are these guys so upset?

Aah, the O’Toole-Cox-NAHB Complex strikes yet again. They’re persistent, aren’t they? They are screaming and fighting like someone who is losing a difficult battle. This is odd, since 98% of everything built today is their precious sprawl, 98% of the nation’s zoning ordinances outlaw their competition, and 98% of all transportation money gets spent on their precious automobile infrastructure. They are winning by a landslide! Why are they so upset?

I vehemently disagree with the entire premise of this article, but I must counter some points specifically. First of all, the claim that land use regulations in Arizona, Nevada, Georgia and other places are not restrictive is ridiculous. Try to go there and build a dense, walkable, mixed-use traditional neighborhood. You will get shot down violently, because this form of development is illegal. How is that not restrictive??!! The traditional American neighborhood, the pattern of settlement that gave birth to our great democracy, is prohibited!!!??? That sounds pretty darn restrictive to me. If you doubt me, go to www.municode.com and look up zoning ordinances from around the country, and just try to find a way to build a traditional neighborhood along the lines of Old Town Alexandria, Greenwich Village, North Beach, or Georgetown. YOU CAN’T DO IT in most places. In Oregon, the favorite whipping boy of the O’Toole-Cox-NAHB Complex, these traditional patterns are allowed. Homebuyers there have a real choice, and they like it. A whopping 94% of residents on Orenco Station, a traditional neighborhood development outside of Portland, prefer their neighborhood over the sprawl that they previously inhabited. Yeah, sure, people are obviously suffering from Oregon’s “restrictive” planning laws.

(I must acknowledge that great traditional places like Old Town Alexandria, Greenwich Village, North Beach, and Georgetown are fantastically unaffordable, but that is not due to some inherently expensive quality of their design. They are expensive because they are highly desirable and there isn’t enough of them to go around. The solution to this problem is MORE traditional neighborhoods, not less.)

It ironic that the libertarians claim that “less restrictive” planning practices in suburban places create cheaper housing. According to a study by Edward L. Glaeser and Joseph Gyourko of Harvard University (http://post.economics.harvard.edu/hier/2002papers/HIER1948.pdf), regular old suburban zoning has a significant effect on housing affordability. Conventional suburban zoning, with its rigid restrictions on densities, is much more restrictive on housing supply than a UGB combined with density-friendly zoning, as is practiced in Oregon. In fact, every study that is conducted outside of the O’Toole-Cox-NAHB Complex shows that UGBs have minimal, if any, effect on housing affordability. (ie: http://www.fanniemaefoundation.org/programs/hpd/v13i1-downs.shtml or http://www.friends.org/resources/myths.html)

I think that Americans should be able to choose between traditional neighborhoods and sprawl, but Randall and friends disagree. So why are they against choice? How could they argue against that? Because the real war here is about transportation money. If people are allowed to choose walkable, transit friendly neighborhoods, then walking and transit will become viable transportation modes and will threaten the auto monopoly. This means less money for their precious highways. For example, in dense, walkable, transit connected San Francisco, their transportation sales tax goes to transit, whereas in my town of sprawling, unwalkable Fresno, our transportation sales tax goes to roads. The Fresno way is how the O’Toole-Cox-NAHB Complex likes it. The fact of the matter is that Cox and O’Tool really like to drive, and they don’t want to share valuable tax dollars with those who prefer other modes. They want every penny to go to their roads. Heck, in towns with real travel options, freeways get torn down! The freeway demolitions in San Francisco, Portland, and Milwaukee must have caused Randall and Wendall to need hours of therapy!

Also, if traditional neighborhood development becomes too common, it may become apparent to municipalities that its infrastructure is much cheaper than their beloved sprawl. In compact traditional neighborhoods less miles of roads, sidewalks, sewage lines, and water lines are needed to serve a given population. Police and fire crews have less turf to cover and burn less fuel getting there. Compact is efficient. If word of this gets out, inefficient, infrastructure hungry sprawl might actually have to pay its way, instead of getting its new gold-plated infrastructure subsidized by existing neighborhoods. Oh the humanity!

That is the libertarian idea of a “free” market: subsidize the stuff they like, outlaw the stuff they hate, and call everyone that tries to level the playing field a t

Fading American Dream

Mr. O'Toole brilliantly brings up a subject that is not often understood among most people and is generally ignored by politicians and planners, two groups which should be most concerned about these trends but appear to like the status quo of unaffordability.

The point here is that the basic tenets of Economics 101 cannot be ignored in a capitalist economy like ours. There is a certain supply of housing and land on one side and there is a certain demand of willing buyers on the other.

Back in the 1940s, 50s, and 60s, we willingly built new housing for whoever wanted it. Housing was affordable for those in the middle class and even those in the working classes. Most people wanting to buy a house could do so on a single income (more the norm in those days) and could expect to spend the standard of 30% or less of gross monthly income on housing.

Fast-forward to the 1990s and early 21st century and you come to a country with a myriad of land-use restrictions, government regulations, and environmental laws. The relatively few (compared to demand) housing developments that are able to get through the government red tape are only able to do so after having to pay large impact fees, open space donations, and meet "affordable housing" requirements. The result? The remaining homes have to be sold at higher market prices and tend to be larger due to the need to maximize the relatively scarce land available.

The argument that open space is crucial to the quality of life of residents ignores the fact that this open space is not free. The cost of the open space is figured into the cost of the homes and their underlying land. This raises the price of each housing unit and ensures that only the wealthy and upper middle-class will be able to afford these homes.

If the people in these developments are willing to purchase the open space at fair market value (what the land could fetch if it could be developed), then that is OK. The problem is that existing homeowners in a Phase I development often want to stop the Phase II development without adequately compensating the land-owner, the developer, the full market value of the property. That is stealing, no matter what nice environmental label is put on it.

The American Dream, one's own single family house (or any owned property for that matter) is rapidly fading away. Even houses in the blazing deserts of Las Vegas and Phoenix are rapidly becoming unaffordable.

If we continue these policies, this nation faces a situation much like what exists in Third World Nations--a relatively small wealthy group of people owning (or controlling through open space laws) most of the land while the rest of us live in substandard shanty type housing in just an effort to survive.

All of a sudden those large open spaces become less valuable when measured against the potential homelessness and human suffering that will result. Its something to consider before the standard of living in the United States deteriorates to the level of much of the rest of the world.

Don Hagstrom

Friends of Southern California's Highways

Housing in 'Smart Growth' Cities?

While the cost may increase somewhat in more compact, higher density cities, even the US has begun to recognize that the savings in automobile ownership and maintenance can be substantial -vide the Location Efficient Mortgage program in Chicago and elsewhere. When added to the costs of additional pollution prevented, better health through walking, etc., etc., they can easily outweigh any savings in sales prices for homes.

Smart Growth, Worth it?

At last, scientific data.

Cost of Living Higher Where Less Sprawl

Of course transport costs are higher where there is more sprawl. But housing costs more than make up the difference. Matthew Kahn of Tufts has shown that African-American home ownership is greater where sprawl is greater. Smart growth is in the process of replacing exclusionary zoning with exclusionary planning. They should be ashamed.

O'Toole's simple answers for complex problems

Mr. O'Toole said "Land-use regulations are strong in the San Francisco-Oakland and San Jose areas, in Oregon, Boulder, Massachusetts, and Maryland. Cities in these states and urban areas have the highest housing prices. Land-use rules are weak in Nevada, Arizona, Idaho, and Wyoming, and cities in these states have some of the lowest housing prices."

As we all know housing prices are ultimately driven by the demand to live in a particular area. That demand is driven by a combination of economic, cultural, and aesthetic concerns. In San Francisco its a combination of the natural topography of the bay area, the architectural history that gives it a strong sense of place, along with a diverse, creative culture that is politically progressive and tolerant of different points of view. The economic phenomenon that results from this is what professor Richard Florida dubs as the 'Creative Class'. They are the creative individuals who produce software, media, and architectural designs. They are the top 20% of the population that generates the new ideas that fuel the information economy.

In a Salon interview Mr. Florida stated that creative cities require the following:

"My theory uses the three T's: technology, talent and tolerance. You need to have a strong technology base, such as a research university and investment in technology. That alone is a necessary but not in itself sufficient condition. Second, you need to be a place that attracts and retains talent, has the lifestyle options, the excitement, the energy, and stimulation that talented, creative people need. And thirdly, you need to be tolerant of diversity so you can attract all sorts of people -- foreign-born people, immigrants, woman as well as men, gays as well as straights, people who look different and have different appearances."

All the places Mr. O'Toole criticized: San Francisco Bay area, Oregon, Boulder, Massachusetts, and Maryland fall into this category.

The places he praises as beacons of 'affordability' due to minimal land use regulation, Nevada, Arizona, Idaho, and Wyoming, fall into the opposite category. All are landlocked and located quite a distance from the major coastal population centers. Nevada, Idaho, and Wyoming are largely rural in character due to low populations (ranked 35th, 39th, and 51st respectively) and benefit greatly from federal subsidies for rural infrastructure improvements such as roads, water, communications and power generation effectively paid for by taxpayers in other states. They have large tracts of open land available which makes property cheap, but for the most part that are completely lacking in the cultural amenities that make the other areas so desirable to consumers and businesses.

Thus the negative aspect of housing affordability in places like San Francisco, Portland, Boston, and Boulder is largely due to demand to live in an area with unique cultural offerings with a finite amount of space and housing, that is to say it is driven by the very market forces that Mr. O'Toole as a libertarian should be defending. It seems to me the answer would be to create more of what is so desirable, that is use land efficiently by designing real neighborhoods geared towards the creation and needs of a real community.

Mr. O'toole’s solution to the problem is that they should imitate lesser cities like Las Vegas and Phoenix by adopting sprawl producing, minimal land use regulations. That is, adopt a pro-growth platform heavily subsidized by government tax dollars that creates an illusion of economic affordability while ignoring the external costs.

However in typical libertarian fashion Mr. O'Toole ignores the external costs by pretending those costs which the market don’t accurately account for, don't matter.

Perhaps he should consider factoring in the costs of mandatory car ownership (on average $6,500 per year per vehicle for gas, insurance, taxes, maintenance, and loan payments) into your equation. For a family of four living in the suburbs two cars are a must and it is not uncommon for such families to spend as much or more on car ownership costs as they do on their mortgage.

There's also the issue of time spent commuting to and from work. What is the upper limit on how far an individual can drive before the resulting time commitment makes the situation unlivable? In cities like Atlanta, all the newly constructed so called 'affordable' housing is located in the far flung suburbs 30-40 miles from downtown. Combined with the horrible traffic congestion due to diminishing returns from so called 'investments' in highway infrastructure this translates into roughly 2-3 hours a day spent driving in order to commute to a job in the city proper. This effectively creates a 12 hour work day leaving little time to spend doing other things.

Personal values

Embedded within these continuing arguments for or against "smart growth," are our personal values regarding lifestyle. Well, let's rationalize our values some more.

My in-laws recently bought a mid-sized home in a suburban part of Bakersfield for a little over 100K. They have a nice backyard and plenty of interior space. My in-laws' kids go to very fine public schools. All in all, they live a fine lifestyle in what we call a "sprawl community." The only drawback that my in-laws may have is being chauffeur for their teenage kids who can't drive and can't get around town on their own. But driving them around is a minor inconvenience compared to the individual benefits of having a large home in a nice neighborhood. Besides, by driving their kids around, they know of their whereabouts at all times.

However, planners who think in context of the Community (local and global) need to assess and evaluate the environmental and hidden social costs of the individual choices that families make. Opponents against "smart growth" tend to focus on the individual benefits such as low home costs, but tend to ignore greater consequences. What they fail to acknowledge is that the Community (local and global) does effect the individual. This idea is elusive for many reasons.

Scott Carson mentioned the open space that is out there for us to inhabit. It's not a matter of space, but rather, a matter of resources. Do we have enough resources to air-condition every "McMansion" that exists, or enough water to green their backyards, or to fill all their pools? As of now, perhaps. By 2050? Who knows. Are we consuming land that can be used for agriculture? Probably, since some farmers may feel that it is more profitable to sell their land to a developer than to grow crops.

I don't blame families for the individual choices they make. They are fine choices, even one I would initially make. But let's open the discussion to the greater public so that we can all understand the greater ramifications of our choices and actions. Then maybe people will fine tune their individual choices in lifestyle.

the same old garbage

O'Toole makes the same old argument that the real estate lobby keeps making again and again: land use regulation increases housing costs, therefore smart growth increases housing costs. This argument rests on an assumption that all land use regulation = smart growth and vice versa.

But this equation is just flat out false, because most supply-restricting housing regulations create more sprawl rather than more smart growth: minimum parking requirements that essentially subsidize driving (and ensure that scarce real estate is used for parking rather than housing), minimum lot size requirements that force houses so far apart that everyone must walk everywhere (and reduce the supply of houses in a given area), single use zoning that forbids housing within walking distance of shops, the impossibility of building ANYTHING near a transit station thanks to NIMBY opposition, etc. (By contrast, statewide urban growth boundaries, which presumably are O'Toole's idea of iniqitous "smart growth regulations" are virtually unknown outside Oregon, Washington and Tennessee -- areas that, as O'Toole's OWN TABLES point out, are not the most expensive areas in the nation). I find it incredibly curious that O'Toole devotes his life to fighting an extremely rare type of regulation (growth boundaries) but doesn't waste his time on the more common, anti-walkability regulations that infest this nation like a plague.

I also find the remarks of O'Toole's so-called supporters curious. Scott Carson writes: "I do NOT want to live in some 'diversity' community" (English translation: no black people). Yet O'Toole claims to want MORE affordable housing, which presumably means less segregation by race and class. Does Carson understand something about O'Toole's arguments that I don't?

Of course, many of O'Toole's supporters in the sprawl lobby want anything but affordable housing: they want Big Brother to build roads to create more lily white suburbs, allow just enough of a free market for developers to build more lily white suburbs -- and as soon as the bulldozers start running, out come the exclusionary zoning rules to keep the riffraff out!

Lone gunman?

A very interesting look at the impact land use regulations can have on housing affordability. I can’t help but think we should be digging deeper into these relationships to examine other factors that also impact price and demand for housing. Looking at the pattern of housing turnover, or job turnover, for example, and how these displacements add pressure to the market. I feel there is something else at play here. I think strong land use regulations have impacts that drive up property values and benefit a city. I do not believe that these regulations are the stand-alone culprit, in the availability or affordability of housing. Land use controls do limit the amount of land that can be developed, but generally require increases in densities that should offset decreases in the number of units built. The ability for developers to accommodate more units to an acre should also be generating cost reduction (land cost, infrastructure, transportation etc). Why is this not the case? We ought to examine a broader scope of policy and economics to answer this question. I think we could identify a variety of manipulated market forces that are fueling this phenomenon.

Flawed, Biased: No Mention of Transport Costs

Once again, the Reason/Thoreau/Public Purpose "think tank" spin complex churns out another piece of literature that conveniently ignores many facts that do not fit into their worldview.

Nowhere in this article does O'Toole address how in areas that eschew Smart Growth principles in favor of sprawl, transportation choices are far more limited, and transportation costs are much higher for households. In most cities, housing and transport costs are a tradeoff.

To see how cities with higher degrees of sprawl exhibit greater transportation costs of a percentage of household income, view the Surface Transportation Policy Project's 2000 Report: "Driven To Spend."

http://www.transact.org/PDFs/DriventoSpend.pdf

Why is this important? Simply put- investing in housing builds equity. Investing in cars does not. Any time households continually expend a larger and larger portion of their income on automobile costs, they reduce their ability to save.

O'Toole's most likely rejoinder to this idea is that if we herd everyone into smart growth developments, bid rent for these properties will make them unaffordable for entry-level buyers. Here, I share O'Toole's concern. The housing affordability issue is one the Smart Growth movement needs to grapple with more than any other to achieve its goals.

However, the irony of this and other positions typical of this portion of the smart growth/sprawl discussion is that they are not vocally in favor of the (LEM) Location-Efficient Mortgage promoted by the Center for Neighborhood Technology, which is a market-based approach to recognizing that those who choose to live in areas with high levels of walkability and transit access will flush far less of their income into the money pit of a car, which can then be redirected into a larger monthly payment for housing, which builds equity. Find out more about LEMs here.

http://www.cnt.org/index.cfm?FuseAction=Project&ProjectID=1

The LEM seeks to re-invigorate the stale and un-entrepreneurial lending industry which no longer has any creative ability to fund things that do not follow a few narrow formulas for residential development.

O'Toole and his ideological compatriots, if they were really about market-based solutions, would jump on the LEM bandwagon for appropriate areas in cities. The LEM is not relevant for suburban sprawl areas, but for many inner city residents who do live in transit supportive communities and are low-to-moderate income, it could definitely assist in the leap from renting to ownership.

something worth protecting

Note that growth controls also correlate with having something worth protecting. In California and Hawaii, there is a wider consensus on the importance of preserving particular areas from development- this does take land out of the housing equation (constraining supply, raising prices), but shouldn't it? That is, what would places like Hawaii and San Francisco be like WITHOUT growth controls? Is that desirable?

Relatedly, the landscape itself dictates the degree with which land can be developed. A city amongst mountains and waterbodies will not "fill in" as nicely as a city on the featureless plains of Illinois, Indiana and Iowa. Again, natural landscapes take land out of the equation. Where is this factored in to O'Toole's regression?

Mr. O'Toole's insights

Although national affordable housing organizations such as LISC and the National Low Income Housing Coalition support smart growth , there remains some confusion over fundamental issues pertaining to smart growth and affordability. Much of this confusion is generated by reports published by “market-oriented” organizations such as the Heritage Foundation, Reason Public Policy Institute, and Mr. O'Toole's Thoreau Institute.

These organizations believe land use decisions should be made by the market and not comprehensive planning and public input. In their efforts to discredit the concept of growth management, have publish numerous reports linking public policies with higher housing costs.

In response to these claims, the Brookings Institution undertook a study that examined all peer-reviewed scholarship done to date on the subject of affordability and growth management. Their review found no link between affordable housing and growth management per se. The study’s authors note that it is simplistic to talk about growth management and affordability in general terms because there are so many variations in the way growth is “managed.” They also distinguish between “land use controls” and “growth management”. A fundamental purpose of land use controls is to exclude undesirable land uses from coming into communities. In many communities in America this translates into exclusionary zoning to keep out low-income households, African Americans and Latinos. The premise underlying growth management is to regulate land use in ways that do not result in social exclusion.

Mr. O'Toole's editorial reflects a simplified view of the modern world - borne out of a specific ideological orientation. His editorial takes away from a genuine discussion regarding affordable housing in functional communities (i.e. not warehousing the poor as has largely been the case in the past.)

Like a laser, O'Toole has found the target

I will beg to differ with some of the other comments here that O'Toole is wrong and the idea that the market will eventually "provide" lower-cost, high-quality housing for the teeming masses who don't have Master's degrees in Planning and a Trust Fund that enables them to buy $500K houses in SF.

Sarcasm aside, as a parent of four (two teens, two babies) I can certainly attest to you that the cost of real estate and how much I can reasonably expect to earn as a planner is a major factor regarding where I'm willing to move. Compared to other professions with advanced education (masters) and 15 years of experience, many of these large cities are unaffordable for me. I do NOT want to live in some 'diversity' community in a giant city with a school system where I have to send my kids wrapped in Kevlar and constantly worried about them getting snatched either on the way to, or the way home from school... and where the only "house" I can afford is some apartment or condo, where I, crammed in like a rat, have to take mass transit to some giant faceless building and that maybe someday they'll let me have a camping permit for the nearby preserved wilderness (although the waiting list is about 10 years long).

That is the "future", as I see it, that we'll end up with if the "smart growth" people have their way. Most of this country is empty space and we have TONS of nice, cheap, non-sprawled metros where the air is clean, the water is clean, it may be boring for the diversity crowd but real estate is cheap - why aren't we encouraging jobs and people to move to these places, I'll never know.

Anti-sprawl fervor meets backlash

I don't typically share Mr. O'Toole's point of view, but it appears that plenty of experts and the national court of opinion is agreeing with him. Yesterday's cover story in USA Today(!) basically supports -- albeit in a less technical fashion -- exactly this argument.

Anti-sprawl fervor meets backlash

http://www.usatoday.com/news/nation/2002-08-25-smart-growth_x.htm

"Experts are laying part of the blame on the anti-growth fervor sweeping the USA, a trend that has led to building moratoriums and preservation of large chunks of open space."

Bill Fulton and David Goldberg of Smart Growth America are quoted.

Kudos to Planetizen for being on top of this issue!

The rocking horse..

I have to repeat my usual complaint that opponents of Smart Growth rarely address its fundamental tenets. This seems to be the case with Randall's study. Housing is only one element of a "mixed-use", Smart Growth development pattern and economy. Focusing on housing neglects the bigger picture of its interaction with other economic elements; jobs/housing balance, institutional services, accessable shopping outlets, entertainments, public parks and natural openspaces.

Also, monetary costs are not the solitary concern. Randall duly notes quality of life issues, but only in passing; neglecting costs that rise from poorly arranged development patterns such as the typical, cheap, suburban sprawl "Housing Compounds".

I believe that the rise in housing costs are more related to the general rise in our cost of living. The percentage of a household budget spent on transportation is increasing. This reduces funds available for housing, including lower-cost units.

Still, Smart Growth tenets hold the key to more affordable housing in the future. "First products" are always more expensive. If those products have value, demand will increase, lowering unit costs. Surely, this is the case with Smart Growth development patterns. Especially, in the sense that "mixed-use" developments will ultimately prove the indispensable formula for numerous and restorative redevelopments within "metropolitan-regions".

This horse has only begun to rock, Baby.

Other factors?

I have heard variations on this arguments for years and I don't buy it. I have worked in both Nevada and California and you cannot compare the two in any meaningful way. In my opinion you cannot even compare different parts of California to each other meaningfully. First major differance, land. California's land is largely in private hands (excluding the sw desert) with an active real estate market for ag land. Nevada's land (and AZ, AK, ID, WY, UT ect.) is largely in federal hands and over the last 10 years the feds have sold off thousands of acres of land for development around LV. Additionally thier is no competing uses for land in NV, AZ ect. Ag is confined to cattle ranching, which is cheaper to do on federal land (AUM pricing is a whole other issue) then on private land. Result the land prices in NV. are atifically low. The same holds true for water, in some cities the Feds or the state have supplied the water virtually free (LV, LA, PHX) while in other cities the residents have to pay for it themselves (SFO, Reno, Tahoe, ect.). Then you have the costs of roads and schools which are borne by the home owner in Ca. and by the state (though gaming taxes) in Nv., big differance there.

In short you cannot compare one city to another unless you compare all of the factors that influcance land and home prices.

typical

This article is typical of O'Toole's shortsided, single-dimensional outlook on life. And yes, San Fransisco IS four times as livable as Phoenix. He has either a twisted love affair with Phoenix, or has never been there.

When the surge of environmentalism got under way during the late sixties, and legislation began to be implemented, the biggest outcry came from big-business and short-sided economists. Well, I have yet to see our economy in shambles since environmental stewardship has come into play. Think long-term Randal.

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