Kmart, the Big Box, and the Role of Planning in American Cities
Kmart's recent announcement will make communities cope with more vacant storefronts, and should prompt planners to rethink big box retail.
Kmart's
descent into bankruptcy in January didn't shock many analysts, but it sent thousands
of city managers and planners scurrying. For many, their worst planning nightmare
was about to become a reality.
The reason became apparent when Kmart announced it would close almost 300 under-performing stores and slash 20,000 jobs. By some accounts, this move alone could almost double the inventory of large, empty stores in America's cities. Most are in the nation's older strip malls and suburbs.
How local communities handle this crisis will be an important test of how well planners and city officials are able to manage the demands of the 21st century economy.
The challenges are likely to grow. The traditional department stores that anchor many strip shopping centers and malls are less and less competitive. Sears, J.C. Penney, Dillard's, Macy's, Lazarus, and other chains have struggled to maintain revenue growth. Meanwhile, revenues for big box and discount retailers such as Target, Wal-Mart, and Home Depot are increasing, boosting demand for more accessible, stand-alone buildings.
The initial, knee-jerk reaction in many communities will likely be to follow San Francisco and other anti-growth special interests. Following an aborted attempt last year in the California state legislature, Mayor Brown is taking aim at big box retailers by proposing a dramatic expansion of regulatory oversight. More specifically, retailers hoping to occupy more than 40,000 square feet would be subject to detailed micromanagement by planners and the planning board, discouraging their location in the city.
But, limiting big-box retailers ignores the tremendous social benefits they provide. Pioneers in discount marketing (including Kmart) revolutionized retailing and offered consumers a wider variety of products at higher quality and at lower prices. The big winners were low, moderate, and middle-income families. These folks will be the big losers in any attempt to rein in the so-called "big-boxes".
So, what's the alternative?
First, citizens and city officials need to recognize the demise of Kmart for what it is: highly visible evidence of capitalism's "creative destruction." Kmart failed to provide a better product for less money in an efficient way. As Wright State University marketing professor Charles Gulas notes, fifteen years ago Kmart had to do three things to survive: go head-to-head with competitors such as Wal-Mart, live with reduced profit margins, and cut prices. It failed to execute these strategies effectively.
Recognizing capitalism's dynamism, of course, doesn't solve the problem of what communities should do with the empty hulks of retail establishments. Sound urban planning, however, can't ignore the uncertainties inherent in a market economy.
In a dynamic setting where firms are born, grow, and eventually die, local development controls need to focus on impacts and processes, not specific outcomes. The empty big box is less important than ensuring policies are in place that encourage and embrace new uses for those spaces.
In my local area, regional population growth has been virtually stagnant. Nevertheless, many retail spaces, including a 100,000 square foot store abandoned by Kmart in 1994, are being or have been converted to new uses, including:
- Smaller retail and office uses
- A Victoria's Secret mail order center
- A bank's private label credit card processing center
- Medical and other professional offices
- Smaller, niche retailing and entertainment outlets such as local hardware stores, a laser tag, and restaurants
Citizens and local officials can start by taking a hard look at their current land-use plans and zoning codes. Most land-use plans treat land use as a "stock": something that doesn't change. Land, in fact, is a stock resource. Land use, however, is a "flow"--the highest, best, most efficient, and most appropriate uses change as the community evolves and develops. Land that may have been most suitable for single-family housing may be best suited for multifamily or mixed use now. The community needs to determine whether its local development controls facilitate or hinder the natural evolution of the land market.
In addition, communities faced with large investments in unique structures such as big-box stores can anticipate issues that might crop up in the event the store closes. A chronically empty store may well become a blight in the community, particularly if its physical and exterior condition is allowed to deteriorate. Businesses should recognize the potential for their store's closure to negatively impact neighbors and the community.
This can be addressed upfront. Some communities negotiate agreements with property owners and store managers to help mitigate the impacts of abandoned buildings. Local governments (and even the local business community) can, for example, clearly specify property owner responsibilities and obligations to maintain the appearance and soundness of their buildings and property even if it is abandoned. They can also encourage or assist in marketing the space for new uses through sources such as the local Chamber of Commerce. In more extreme cases, communities might even subsidize the demolition of chronically vacant properties.
While some will see Kmart's demise as another reason to substitute political judgment in place of the accountability of the market place, the long-term viability of communities depends crucially on their ability to adapt to the changing needs of the economy. Cities evolve, just like the businesses that serve them. Locking communities and neighborhoods into static land-use plans and development controls risks their long-term future.
Ultimately, every community's sustainability depends on its ability to adapt to market changes, not ignore them.
Samuel R. Staley, Ph.D., directs the Urban Futures Program for Reason Public Policy Institute, a nonprofit think tank based in Los Angeles, and chairs his local planning board (in Bellbrook, Ohio). The author of more than 50 articles, reports, and studies on urban policy and planning, his most recent book is Smarter Growth: Market-based Strategies for Land-use Planning in the 21st Century (Greenwood Press, 2001).
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Solving problems instead of preventing problems
Some very interesting points, indeed. While I agree it is important for communities to be creative in adapting vacated sites to new uses, it is also important to have the foresight to avoid the circumstance that may result in this situation.
The viability and life cycle of these "Big Box" establishments are generally driven by market cycles and have little interest in the viability of the communities they occupy. It is often attractive for a small community to lure a big retailer in for all of the short-term benefits. But the end results are often that the local businesses fail to compete with the buying power of the corporate retail establishment. Then, when the economic viability of the community begins to flounder, the "Big Box", with no legitimate local concern, will generally blow with the winds of change leaving the community with a Behemoth reminder of their shortsighted planning.
I think local communities need to be ever conscious of the politics of local economic development, and the role of true "stakeholders" in anchoring the economic stability of a region. The globalization of our economy creates an environment for an ever expanding scale of economic winners and losers.
Traditional Urbanism Offers Maximum Adaptability
This was a very interesting essay. I think that the author hits the nail on the head when he states every communitys sustainability depends on its ability to adapt to market changes, not ignore them. Cities are continually growing, changing, wearing down, rebuilding, killing old ideas, giving birth to new ideas, and regenerating. It is a dynamic process. It can produce undesirable results sometimes, but in general it is very positive. Unfortunately, rather than attacking the negatives, the planning profession has often times attacked the whole process. Sadly, we often win.
Part of the lack of adaptability of the suburban environment is due to the single use nature of the structures themselves. But equally, if not more important than that is the urbanism itself. In traditional cities and towns, the basic structure of a place was a dense, interconnected street network with short blocks. You can see this everywhere from San Luis Obispo, CA to New York City. This network (Ill call it the grid here, even though dense, interconnected street networks can take on the irregular organic pattern of Bostons North End, the simple rectangular network of downtown Portland, or the formal baroque layout of Washington DC) is much more adaptive than the dendritic suburban system of arterials and cul-de-sacs. The grid can work well in an extremely small town, or in a gigantic metropolis. It can work at the suburban edge, or in the urban core. It can work at fantastically high densities, or it can work at very low densities. It can support purely residential areas, central business districts, or mixed use neighborhoods. It can be a great setting for the mansions of the filthy rich, such as SFs Pacific Heights, or it can work well for working class folks. It makes walking a breeze, it is the best environment for transit to flourish, and it can accommodate the auto (some traffic engineers, such as Walter Kulash, even claim that it is superior at handling auto traffic, because it provides shorter, direct routes and disperses traffic over the grid, rather than focusing all traffic on a few clogged arterials).
The suburban street network is very unadaptive. Walking? Forget it. What should be a five minute walk gets turned into a 20 minute walk once you weave your way out of your subdivision. Then you can look forward to a stroll along a pleasant 6 lane arterial. Driving is really the only option. Since walking is out and driving is the only option, high densities are very undesirable. Higher densities in the cul-de-sac/arterial system just means more drivers per acre. 3 units per acre clog up the road enough, so you can just forget about anything higher. Mixed land uses in the suburban system are an impossibility. What dummy would open up a restaurant at the end of a cul-de-sac? Part of this segregation of land uses is due to zoning, but the suburban street network demands it, anyway. Businesses must be located on the highway strip in order to survive.
There are several factors in our world that are changing and the suburban street network wont allow post WWII settlements to change in response. Top oil hunters project the worlds peak oil production year to be before 2010, after which prices will probably rise drastically (see http://dieoff.org/page140.htm). The nuclear family that supposedly prefers suburban single-family homes is shrinking as a segment of our population. Big box retail might not always be the best way to sell stuff. The air quality problems experienced in many metro areas is forcing us to reexamine our transportation systems and the land use patterns that feed them. The traditional urban grid can meet these challenges. Conventional suburban development patterns make change and adaptation to changing circumstances very, very difficult, if not impossible.
Older, long vacant, "big boxes" in large cities
I find it heartening that in older big cities, like our "downtown St. Louis, adaptive reuse is coming to long-vacant office buildings and department stores. This involves converting space to residential and commercial "lofts" with ground floor retail and entertainment space. Many large buildings can even provide much secure parking, too.
Our current dilema involves City promotion of demolition followed by construction of yet another parking structure. An alternative proposal that was submitted, called for a mixed use providing loft condos and apartments, parking, and ground floor retail; The main benefit being the retention of a grand, marble vaneered, Historic structure in a context of other, grand scale, Historic structures.
The supply and demand seem to be in place for residential use, but suburban developers, who have the ear of the City, are poised to inflict their "automobile-infested" notions upon unwilling urban neighbors.
The crux of the problem seems to be wheather embracing the suburban model, providing mainly for lots of cars, will save the City; or if providing for a pedestrian friendly, higher residential density, urban model with plenty of space for retail, would be a successful alternative
More suggestions for reuse
Mr. Staley's comments about how to treat a failed big-box are largely on target. As he says, a failed box should be treated as a resource, and cities and towns should not struggle to fill a box with retail if there is not an adequate market to support that.
However, Staley ignores one of the best possible ways to re-use a failed big box. In San Diego, a former Sears store is now a thriving neighborhood, called the Uptown District. How did the local leaders and developers turn blight into boon? They followed the principles of New Urbanism.
In the case of the Uptown District, New Urbanism meant focusing on the pedestrian realm, creating a finer-grained street network to break up the big box superblock, adding architectural variety, and mixing uses to add vitality at all hours. These changes satisfied a market demand for neighborhood living, rather than trying to force big-box retail into an area without adequate demand.
No one solution will be right for every big box location. Developers and economic development departments need to be part of the market, or their efforts will fail. However, with the overwhelming demand for traditional neighborhoods in much of the developed world, new urbanist development should be one possibility that gets considered by every town with an empty box.
Flexibility
Sam,
Good article. Governments dislike change. Especialy if workers loose jobs. How do you get local Gov. like Cinn to change zoning to encourage different growth. Stephan