The Impact Of Smart Growth On Housing
The implementation of growth management laws may have severe impacts on housing availability. William Fulton examines the impact of smart growth policies in Ventura County, California, which has been hailed as a leader in urban planning.
Urban
growth has emerged as a touchstone policy issue, particularly on the state and
local levels, ushering in an unprecedented new wave of growth-management and growth-control
legislation. More than a dozen states have enacted some form of statewide growth-management
law, and 37 others are actively considering growth-management legislation or planning
reform laws that will directly impact the pace, pattern, and quality of land development.
On the local level, hundreds of growth-management initiatives make it to local
and statewide ballots each election cycle. One of the more salient trends in this
movement is toward "ballot-box zoning"- the process of passing growth-management
legislation and mandates through popular vote. Ballot-box zoning has been particularly
prevalent in California, where dozens of cities and counties have adopted urban growth
boundaries and other growth controls to limit new land development.
Growth controls, however, are not implemented in a political vacuum. Once policies are adopted, local politics figure prominently into whether planning goals will be realized. Particularly in the United States, where planning is explicitly local and must be adopted by locally elected officials, these constraints are important elements of the planning process and should be incorporated into an evaluation of their success and recommendations for further reform.
Despite the groundswell of activism and apparent public support for this new wave of growth management, remarkably little analysis has been done on whether local governments actually can, in fact, implement planning goals and visions. In part, the dearth of research is a result of the highly localized nature of growth-management initiatives. Few have yet seen the benefit of analyzing growth-management policies that are targeted toward local problems and framed by local values and issues. While the specifics of local growth-management policies may vary, however, the implementation issues are applicable to other cities in California and in other states.
Implementation
issues, particularly assessments of the capacity of local communities to implement
planning goals, are rarely addressed in the debate over Smart Growth or planning-law
reform. We have recently complated a study which begins to fill this void by examining the case study of Ventura
County, California, a county of some 700,000 residents about 40 miles northwest
of downtown Los Angeles and adjacent to Los Angeles County. Home to one of the
most aggressive local approaches to growth management in the United Sates, Ventura
County's experience has important lessons for all local governments that attempt
to plan development. This study also provides a general framework for citizens
and policymakers in other communities to assess their own capacity for accommodating
future growth through their local plans and evaluating the potential implications.
Ventura's County Housing Shortfall
Between 1995 and 2000, Ventura County voters passed a series of growth-control measures (the "Save Open Space and Agricultural Resources," or SOAR, initiatives,) that attempted to lock in existing land-use policies and require voter approval for conversion of agricultural, open space, or rural land to urban use. During the political campaign supporting the SOAR initiatives, proponents argued that the county, based on its current comprehensive plan, had the capacity to accommodate more than 60,000 new housing units before SOAR would expire in 2020. (A community's comprehensive plan is the primary policy document for guiding urban development, and typically outlines where, what kinds, and at what densities new development will take place.) The existence of a suitable planned capacity was a key argument, because opposition to the ballot initiative centered on whether Ventura County could adequately plan for and accommodate new housing in sufficient quantities. No one during the campaign, however, conducted an analysis of housing capacity to verify the advocates' claims.
To assess the ability and willingness of local governments to accommodate new growth, the researchers of this study reviewed housing trends, planning applications, and project approvals for all 10 cities in Ventura County. More than 120 projects, encompassing almost 12,000 approved housing units (covering more than two-thirds of the approved permits issued), were analyzed. After reviewing these projects as well as current planning policies and forecasted future demand, the authors concluded that the county is unlikely to be able to meet future housing demand, and that a crisis in housing supply will occur prior to SOAR's expiration in 2020.
Ventura
County will likely need at least 312,000 housing units by 2020-a project increase
of 60,000 units (24 percent) over the 2000 housing stock of 252,000 units. This
is close to the estimate that advocates of SOAR used as they urged citizens to
pass the initiative. Yet, under current policies, the planned capacity of the
county is targeted at somewhere between only 293,500 and 298,500 housing units-an
increase of between just 41,500 and 46,500 units, or 16.5 percent and 18.5 percent
over the existing housing stock. This, however, is the highest number that might
be approved. Since 1996, cities in Ventura County have approved development projects
at densities much lower than planned capacities, generally falling 20 percent
below zoned capacities and 45 percent below General (Comprehensive) Plan capacities
(see figure). Thus, the likely future housing development in the county under
current planning policies and entitlement practices will generate about 33,000
units: 55 percent below the regional planning agency's housing target for 2020.
Research also found that the density of most projects was likely reduced during the pre-application stage of the project-approval process. Applications sought considerably fewer housing units than allowed under the Comprehensive Plan. Then planning commissions and city councils reduced these densities by another 4 percent on average. Not all projects received equal treatment either. Affordable housing projects, multi-family projects, larger projects, and projects with plans tied to specific parcels of land were more likely to be approved at or near the capacity designated by planning policies, while smaller projects and projects in smaller cities tended to apply for and be approved at housing densities much lower than the capacities designated by planning policies.
Policy Implications for both Ventura and the Nation
Cities, counties, and state legislatures across the nation are considering initiatives that will greatly increase the scope of land-use regulation at all levels of government--reforms that closely resemble the policies implemented in Ventura County. Many of these growth-management and planning reforms involve a significant increase of public participation during the development-control process. Effective implementation of these reforms requires a practical understanding of the implementation issues surrounding growth-management reforms and development control, especially the capacity of local communities to meet their planning goals and objectives.
Our study suggests that there are significant deficiencies in the capacity of existing planning systems to accommodate rational planning goals. Despite passing a countywide growth-management initiative in 1998, most cities in Ventura County have not adjusted their plans or their development-approval processes to accommodate expected housing demand, creating conditions that are likely to lead to further housing-price escalation and increased political manipulation of the housing market.
The analysis of Ventura County shows that most of its cities will face significant housing shortages well before the end of the county's 25-year planning horizon. In fact, most cities in Ventura County have no more than 10 years of housing capacity left under current policies and entitlement practices.
SOAR will begin to have a major effect on new housing development between 2005 and 2010 as planned housing capacity is used up-first in a few cities, then gradually countywide. Development pressure will increase within cities to increase zoning densities, change general plans to allow more housing, and possibly redevelopment and rehabilitation. Projects that try to bring new land inside the growth boundaries for voter approval will need to be different from those approved in the past for development. Unless SOAR is changed or invalidated, the county and its cities are unlikely to meet estimated future demand for additional new housing, and tight housing market effects will increase over time. The lessons learned from the "laboratory" of Ventura County, a county with substantial experience in growth management and planning reform, could be valuable for other cities and counties across the U.S. that are wrestling with growth management.
William Fulton is President of Solimar Research Group Inc., a private planning consulting ƒirm based in Ventura County, California and author of the Guide to California Planning (Serano Press, 2000 and the The Reluctant Metropolis (Johns Hopkins University Press, 2001). Contributing authors Dr. Chris Williamson, AICP, serves as a staff Senior Research Associate in SRG's Ventura ofƒice and a professor of geography at the University of Southern California; Jeff Jones is a research assistant in SRG's Ventura ofƒice analyzing residential development trends and projections for Ventura County in order to assess the impact of recent landuse initiatives; and Kathleen Mallory is a private planning consultant specializing in urban and regional planning and development.
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Ballot Box NIMBY
I always cringe a bit when "ballot box zoning" is held up as a lofty example for planners. In reality, ballot box zoning is often an easily manipulated NIMBY tool for undoing many growth management plans.
Clarification: Failure of Ventura County Comp Plan
In my previous posting I stated that the research conducted by Mr. Fulton and the Reason Public Policy Institute was "important and useful." My purpose in posting a response was not to call into question the findings but rather to express concern over how these findings were linked to the smart growth agenda.
Previously, I did not make the connection that Mr. Fulton co-authored a book on Regionalism with Mr. Calthorpe. Nor did I realize that he has in fact worked with the Funders Network for Smart Growth and Livable Communities. At the time I posted my first response I was ignorant of Solimar's commitment to work across ideological boundaries - which explains the partnership with the Reason Public Policy Institute. Finally, I was not aware that this was the same Mr. Fulton whose research I have found useful in the past. Simply put I was thrown off by Mr. Fulton's partnership with RPPI.
None of this however explains why this study has been linked to smart growth. The Ventura County comprehensive plan was completed in 1997. It does not refer to the concept of smart growth, much less specific principles. Ventura County's efforts do not resemble those of well established smart growth agendas found in Utah, Minneapolis, or Maryland.
After rereading RPPI's press release (on the Solimar web site) and several smart growth articles on the RPPI web site I still come away with the distinct impression RPPI believes that smart growth is a government sponsored effort to drive up home prices and interfere with the "free market." In both Utah and Minneapolis smart growth agendas are working to introduce new development patterns into the regional market. They are attempting to demonstrate the feasibility of a town-centered form of development that is simply illegal to build in most parts of the United States and Canada. Smart growth is fundamentally about altering development patterns to the extent the market will support new product types.
Mr. Fulton undoubtedly has a great deal of experience with all of these issues. He is also undoubtedly aware of recent research completed by the Center for Urban Policy Research at Rutgers University, which looks at the difficulty in financing mixed-use, mixed-housing projects because of product standardization and the growing prominence of REITs. This makes it very unlikely new patterns of development will replace sprawl in the near term. Most NU/TND/TOD projects simply wont get the debt financing they need to move foward.
Judging by Mr. Carson's January 2nd op-ed in Planetizen, it does not seem likely that the planning profession will work with a formal definition of smart growth - as defined by the smart growth network. This is unfortunate because the framework it establishes is critically important if one cares about balancing a range of interests and discussing them in any sort of meaningful way.
I would have preferred to see content in Mr. Fulton's article that stated that Ventura County is failing to abide by formally stated principles of smart growth and elaborate on how an idealized smart growth agenda might deal with housing shortfall that the article identifies. The problem is not with smart growth, but rather that Ventura County does not attempt structure public policy around a smart growth agenda. Compare Ventura County's approach to what is taking place in Utah, Minneapolis, and Maryland.
Smart growth is only in the earliest stages of development. It will not eliminate sprawl but hopefully will begin to introduce choice into a market that provides few options beyond conventional, single use development. The Mortgage Bankers Association state that: "Despite charges to the contrary, smart growth done right is NOT growth control, nor is it imposition of a government regualtory regime on a purely private market. Rather smart growth seeks to change the way the public and private sectors interact in the course of development." (See report titled "Linking Vision with Capital: Challenges and Opportunities in Financing Smart Growth" The report can be ordered at from their rearch institute at
http://www.housingamerica.org/upcoming.html#synop1
After thought
To be fair to Mr Fulton, it should be noted that he is co-author, along with Peter Calthorpe, of the recently published New Urbanist textbook on Regionalism, "The Regional City". I recommend it as essential reading. Calthorpe and Fulton fully prescribe development models that follow principles of New Urbanism.
Most of my comments to Planetizen articles are based on theories of regionalism, which I consider to be the logical advance of New Urbanism and Smart Growth. Mr. Fulton's article was just a bit alarmist, and a bit short in context. However, I'm sure he is well acquainted with and supportive of Smart Growth.
Ignoring the complexity of smart growth
As defined by the Smart Growth Network (www.smartgrowth.org), smart growth takes into account both affordable housing and making development decisions fair, predictable, and cost effective. Mr. Fulton, the Reason Public Policy website (and others such as Wendel Cox and the Heritage foundation) are quite disturbed by smart growth. It is not clear to me why this is the case.
Smart growth is a framework that enables policy-makers to organize a complex set of concerns in a comprehensive manner. Using this framework, coalitions composed of diverse interests are attempting to address a range of problems associated with contemporary patterns of development. Where smart growth agendas are well established, these varied interests participate in an ongoing public discussion regarding the future of their communities. This discussion accommodates organizations as different as the Sierra Club and the National Association of Home Builders.
Clearly, not all these organizations see smart growth in the same way. This should not surprise us. We live in a capitalist society that values pluralism. It is quite natural, indeed healthy, that individuals and organizations hold diverging views. What is significant about smart growth is its framework, which helps organizes complex, interrelated issues for for public consumption. It is in this framework (i.e. smart growth's ten principles) where we find common ground. The specificity of these principles establishes the basis for constructive dialogue
Smart growth advocates are very concerned about affordable housing, as demonstrated November 28th's smart growth conference with the National Neighborhood Coalition and the Federal Reserve Bank Richmond.
It is exceedingly unfortunate that the definition of smart growth- with its 10 attendant principles - is not used in a consistent manner by conservative commentators and researchers. As mentioned in an earlier response to Mr. Fulton, smart growth is incredibly complex. It should not be simply linked to growth management as the Reason Public Policy website and Mr. Fulton have done in their article. I do believe their research is important and useful, but it does not negate the validity of smart growth. Finally, I believe Mr. Fulton is quite correct when states that more research is needed to assess the impact of new policies enacted in response to problems associated with conventional development patterns. The University of Maryland's Center for Smart Growth Research will hopefully be one of several organizations that assist Mr. Fulton and market oriented interests like the Reason Public Policy institute in evaluating the intersection public and private interests.
the issue isn't smart growth
Fulton's article, despite its repeated invocation of the term "smart growth" proves nothing about smart growth. Instead, Fulton points out that NIMBYism prevents new housing from being built throughout Ventura County, ESPECIALLY the kind of infill housing that "smart growth" supporters endorse. If you want more housing, don't attack smart growth, attack zoning and the NIMBYism it breeds.
Developer demand
It is disingenious blame housing shortages on smart growth policies. Smart growth incorporates many sorts of development other than housing. It is more important to note that housing is only one element of smart growth goals of "mixed-use" development. Housing, of any density level, when completely or marginally isolated from employment, from medical and educational institutions, from public amenities, from commercial, retail, dining and entertainment venues, creates an unmanageable, costly, social and environmentally destructive transportation demand that can only be met by driving. Dear Californians, "You were not born with a car as an exoskeletal extension of your body". To focus on the rising cost or availibility of housing gives undue weight to the "developer demand" that housing projects be of the typical, sprawling subdivision model, cheaply produced in mass quantity.
Difficulties with filling the demand for housing are being used by opponents of smart growth, who conveniently omit more complete considerations of smart growth principles.
Mr. Fulton's analysis of public policy application may have merit, but it does not challenge the concepts of smart growth.
Perhaps I could have written my opinion, repeating the term, "Smart Growth", less, (7 times), but, I have the highest esteem for its conceptual conplexity and other sorts of feelings for its opponents.
housing
Housing is a tough issue. Even areas that do not have high incidence of ballot box zoning such as Montgomery County, MD where I live and work still have projected housing shortages. There are a myriad of reasons.
In my experience, people are generally all for growth control in principle, but it usually means housing in higher densities. In practice, Americans just don't want to live so intimately with their neighbors. Either the popluation will adjust to densities over time on their own or soaring housing prices that often accompany strict growth management will force a new level of housing desnity "tolerance". However, that "tolerance" comes slowly.
Despite the difficulties of this, it is nice to have open space that results from growth management. Montgomery's 93,000 acre ag reserve is an ammenity that increases in value as the population continues to grow.